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Summary Resource histories determine how particular parts of the environment come to be defined as valuable. As elsewhere, protected areas in Latin America link the governance of people, territory, and resources by reinterpreting and reclassifying practices and environments. Set in highland Peru, the article focuses on how such revisions imply contestation of both history and future. It explores particular modes of claiming space through an archeology of the claims to knowledge and legitimacy put forward by a national park and a campesino community, respectively. Claims to space entwine with social struggles about local development where territorial claims are based on different notions of history and interpretations of the esthetic and productive values of the landscape. While the park officials navigate interests of conservation, tourism, and extraction, the campesino community mobilizes a different set of values and interests based on their historical occupation of the territories. These processes of contestation over authority and legitimacy highlight different views on the role of landscapes in the history and progress of local communities. Conservation may not only dispossess people of their land and natural resources, but also of labor and territorial sovereignty. This case shows how an Andean campesino community counters such movements by a wide repertoire of legal and social actions that works simultaneously in legal and extra-legal domains. Paper works mediate claims to territorial sovereignty, people, and resources. These claims involve contestations over interpretations of history which, besides their oral forms, materialize in paperwork such as official communications, community records, and cadastral maps, as well as in visual representations, internal statutes, and deliberate history writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper introduces a new quantitative dataset of government disaster response and examines the patterns among disaster events in Peru from 1900 to 2020. • The Peruvian government is the most active actor in short-term disaster response, although post-disaster reconstruction and coordinating with outside aid groups has become more common in recent decades. • Non-governmental organizations are active in more cases (38 % of cases) than international organizations (24 %), while political leaders visit affected areas in close to half of all cases (46 %). • Restrictions and relocation of affected populations are most likely to occur after floods and landslides, but are usually temporary. Our study introduces a new quantitative dataset of government disaster responses for 183 disasters in Peru from 1900 to 2020. We examine disaster responses in the form of relocation of affected individuals, restrictions on movement, reconstruction of damaged areas, and regulations of third-party disaster relief. Prior analyses of large earthquakes and El Niño events in Peru reveal that government response to hazards shapes the outcomes for social, conflict, and economic outcomes. Our dataset contributes quantitative coding of a much larger sample of disasters to identify useful patterns in disaster response. We show that the Peruvian government is the most active actor in disaster response, although international organizations and non-governmental organizations are active in nearly a third of all disasters. Restrictions and relocation of affected populations occur, but this tends to be temporary, rather than long-term solutions to mitigate risks from future disasters. Relocation of affected people occurs more often for floods and landslides, while regulation of third-party activities occurs more frequently with floods and extreme temperature events; other disaster response policies do not vary across disaster types. Disaster responses have also shifted over time, with the government providing more funds for post-disaster reconstruction and coordinating with outside aid groups more actively in recent decades. The results demonstrate the feasibility and importance of tracking patterns of response across hazard events to fully understand the role of government in disaster response. Our larger data collection project will provide similar data for all countries over time, which will help us situate Peru's patterns of disaster response in the larger disaster management landscape and understand how government policy choices influence political violence, migration, and other political dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Well-being impacts of certification schemes need to be compared with alternative private governance strategies. • Inclusive business and solidarity economy constitute two contrasting private governance strategies. • Paper presents an exploratory comparative analysis of four cases from the cacao sectors of Peru and Switzerland. • Value chain actors combine elements of certification, solidarity economy, and inclusive business into portfolios of instruments. • These instruments may address some barriers of certification, but come with own risks and limitations. Certification of sustainability standards is an important governance strategy aimed at enhancing the human well-being outcomes of agri-food value chains. While the impacts of certification on well-being are positive for some farmers under certain conditions, they are insignificant or adverse for others. Many barriers can impede positive impacts of certification on well-being. Alternative or complementary strategies such as inclusive business and solidarity economy may challenge these barriers. However, since certification, inclusive business and solidarity economy strategies are studied in isolation, their precise similarities and differences, their interplay and their relative efficacy and limitations remain elusive. Therefore, this paper explores to what extent and how inclusive business and solidarity economy strategies may overcome the persistent governance and economic barriers that limit well-being impacts of certification. We explore four purposively selected cases of inclusive business and solidarity economy strategies from the cacao value chains connecting Peru and Switzerland. Results show that value chain actors combine different specific elements of the three strategies (certification, inclusiveness and solidarity) into portfolios of instruments, which reflect their value chain role and organizational missions. These instrument portfolios may address some of the barriers of certification schemes, but they come with their own challenges and limitations. We conclude that promising future research may use comparative research designs to disentangle specific instruments of inclusiveness, solidarity, and certification; to build typologies of instrument portfolios; to understand their interaction with systemic change in markets and land-use systems; and to specify the conditions under which value chain actors can use specific instruments to improve well-being outcomes of agri-food value chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Venezuela is currently experiencing the biggest crisis in its recent history. This has led more than 7.3 million Venezuelans to emigrate, at least 1.5 million of those to Peru, which amounted to an increase of over 4 percent in the Peruvian population. Venezuelan immigrants in Peru are relatively similar in cultural terms, but, on average, more skilled than Peruvians. In this paper, we first examine Venezuelans' perceptions of being discriminated against in Peru. Using an instrumental variable strategy, we document a causal relationship between the level of employment in the informal sector – where most immigrants are employed – and reports of discrimination. We then study the impact of Venezuelan migration on local's labor market outcomes, reported crime rates, and attitudes using a variety of data sources. We find that inflows of Venezuelans to particular locations led to increased employment and income among locals, decreased reported crime, and improved reported community quality. We conduct a heterogeneity analysis to identify the mechanisms behind these labor market effects and discuss the implications for Peruvian immigration policy. • We analyze the impact of Venezuelan immigration on the Peruvian labor market • We also study the labor market determinants of discrimination against Venezuelans. • Immigration has mostly positive effects on natives' labor market outcomes. • More informal labor market competition increases discrimination against immigrants. • We discuss the implications for Peruvian immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper studies the impact of mining activity on socioeconomic outcomes in local communities in Peru. In the 1990s and 2000s, the value of Peruvian mining exports grew by 15 times; and since the early 2000s, one-half of fiscal revenues from mining have been devolved to local governments. Has this boom benefitted people in local communities? Using the district-level “poverty map” of 2007 (the latest available with accurate data on consumption, poverty, and inequality) together with district-level data on mining production and fiscal transfers to local governments, we present some evidence to answer this question. We find that mining districts have larger average consumption per capita and lower poverty rates than otherwise similar districts. These positive impacts, however, decrease drastically with administrative and geographic distance from mining centers. Moreover, consumption inequality within mining districts is higher than in comparable nonproducing districts. This dual effect of mining is accounted for by, first, the better educated immigrants required and attracted by mining activity and, second, the jobs that some community natives obtain in industries and services related to mining. The inequalizing impact of mining, both across and within districts, may help explain the social discontent with mining in Peru, despite its enormous revenues. An area for future research highlighted in the paper regards the usefulness of fiscal transfers to local governments (the Mining Canon ), a key component of the fiscal decentralization reform of 2002. We find neither a detrimental nor a beneficial effect from the Mining Canon in Peru. Whether this is explained by our early measurement of results (5 years into the decentralization program) or by the lack of implementation capacity of local governments remains to be answered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines how property arrangements – a key determinant of rural income – influence armed conflict in the presence of commodity price shocks. Using detailed data on district level land tenure, crop produce, and conflict intensity in Peru and Colombia, estimates show that exogenous negative price shocks increase the intensity of conflict in districts with a greater presence of individual ownership, relative to other types of land tenure. The finding is consistent with small landowners in the export sector experiencing a sharper downturn in labor market outcomes thus reducing the opportunity cost of participating in insurgent groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When agricultural commodities are traded globally, consumer demand in one region influences the crops planted in another, often leading to widespread environmental and social transformation at the production sites. As a commodity crop that prospers in tropical environments, oil palm has become controversial for its role as a driver of deforestation and social conflict, especially in main producer countries in Southeast Asia. As suitable land for oil palm production in Southeast Asia is depleting, companies have begun to look to new production frontiers, such as Latin America. Colombia and Peru have the highest percentage growth in the sector in recent years, and the crop has become a dominant strategy for development in the Peruvian Amazon. Between 2000 and 2015, 40,000 hectares of old growth forest have been cleared for large oil palm plantations in Peru. Company-Community partnerships (CCPs) have been advanced as a potentially more socially and environmentally sustainable strategy, through their alleged capacity to provide greater productivity and more efficient land use on smallholder farms. This paper describes the social, political and deforestation impact of an oil palm CCP at the forest frontier in the Peruvian Amazon. An interdisciplinary and mixed methods research approach was employed, including long-term ethnographic work and visual measurement remote sensing of land use change on 2447 hectares of smallholder land in four villages/communities. The results show that the recent arrival of powerful private companies has caused a major socio-ecological shift on the ground, particularly through the CCP. On comparing participating farms to non-participating farms, we find significant deforestation 'spillage' out of the plantation into participating farms. A major underlying driver of the negative outcomes of the CCP is the neoliberal policy approach employed by the Peruvian government, which has outsourced basic rural public works to private companies. We conclude by discussing how a more socially and environmentally just oil palm production strategy in Peru and elsewhere might look. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Collaboration is a risky engagement by which power relations may be (re)inscribed. • Adaptation struggles are often rooted in ontological and epistemological difference. • Adaptation as usual suggests the continuation of the coloniality of power. • Adaptation otherwise is a proposal for decolonial adaptation-development action. Climate change promises to bring forth a future of uncertain and challenging events in which divergent worlds collide, conflict, and collaborate for survival in transitionary times. Yet, collaborative adaptation responses remain not well understood, particularly in terms of the relational and political dimensions of this practice. This paper seeks to push beyond collaboration as an assumed good and contributes to deeper theorization and conceptualization of the arts of collaborating within the context of climate adaptation and sustainable development. The paper draws upon participatory and ethnographic engagements in the struggle for collaborative adaptation to rapid glacier melt in the Peruvian highlands between 2015 and 2018. Insights are derived from various qualitative methods that allowed for following through a network of local to global adaptation actors (State institutions, development NGOs, and campesinos) as they worked towards a common goal of becoming resilient to ensuing radical landscape changes. By paying attention to divergent adaptation imaginaries, as well as historically produced uneven geographies of power upon which current adaptation strategies are materializing, this study illuminates "frictions" that emerge from collaborative engagements and the systemic oppression of local ways of knowing and being. This study finds that, through a privileged adaptation discourse, State and transnational actors enact a techno-scientific and developmentalist-adaptation reality that is indifferent to the needs and preferences of highland inhabitants. I argue that, adaptation in this way performs a "coloniality of power" that perpetuates the erasure of social alterity from world-making projects. As a counter-proposal, I call for doing adaptation otherwise, that is, decolonially. This practice is informed by the relational ontology of highland campesinos, and strives to create an alternative approach to formal adaptation that allows for rights of self-determination and the empowerment of designs from "below". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Participatory approaches have proven effective at producing more inclusive and democratic forms of development, in which marginalized groups are given increased recognition. However, these approaches can also reinforce social hierarchies and political exclusion if they are not developed and implemented carefully. In particular, participatory approaches can be problematic if they too simplistically conceptualize democratic engagement as the folding of individuals into pre-existing governance structures. Utilizing a combination of feminist and postcolonial theories, this paper argues that practitioners of participatory methods must extend their thinking to the ways in which their projects foster engagement across multiple social and epistemological perspectives. Participatory geographic information systems (PGIS) methodologies are particularly effective at enabling these cross-perspectival engagements—geospatial technologies have unique capabilities for storing and visualizing knowledge from different types of knowledge systems. These different forms of knowledge can not only be visualized as multi-facetted and multi-scalar layers, but they can be directly placed in conversation with one another within the space of the map. In this way, they can be used to fundamentally transform historically unjust governance practices, rather than simply folding new subjects into unjust political structures. The authors examine these claims in the context of a case study with the Maijuna indigenous group of the northeastern Peruvian Amazon. The authors collaborated with the Maijuna to create and use a digital, spatial database to influence policy decisions about land tenure and environmental management. We show that geospatial technologies were uniquely capable of encouraging dialog and integration across indigenous, Western scientific, and state-based perspectives of the Amazon. These technologies are particularly effective at empowering traditionally marginalized perspectives within governance processes. This project therefore offers lessons about the benefits and dangers of geospatial technologies and methodologies for improving the democratic potential of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Protected areas are a cornerstone of forest conservation in developing countries. Yet little is known about their effects on forest cover change or the socioeconomic status of local communities. This paper assesses whether “win–win” scenarios are possible—that is, whether protected areas can both stem forest cover change and alleviate poverty. We examine protected areas in the Peruvian Amazon during the early 2000s. We find that protected areas reduce deforestation. We do not find a robust effect on poverty. Protected areas that allow sustainable extractive activities are more effective in reducing deforestation but less effective in reducing poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary In this paper we analyze the impact of private food standards on the export performance of asparagus export firms in Peru. We use 18-year panel data from 87 firms and apply fixed effects and GMM models. We do not find any evidence that certification to private standards in general and to specific individual private standards, has an effect on firms’ export performance, neither at the extensive margin nor at the intensive margin, and neither on export volumes nor on export values. Our case-study results imply that private standards do not act as a catalyst to trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary What is the relationship between formal participatory structures and the onset and evolution of popular mobilization? Under what conditions does mobilization bring about policy and even institutional change? This article examines mining conflict—and in particular the project approval stage, when mobilization is most likely to interrupt extraction—in Peru. Utilizing a path-dependent framework, the paper finds that very limited spaces for community participation in the environmental impact assessment process in fact have prompted and transformed popular mobilization in extractive zones, leading to outside scrutiny and the stalling of major projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Experimental methods show that corruption information causally reduces citizen trust in political institutions. • Corruption information does not motivate citizen citizen political action in the form of small donations to an anti-corruption NGO. • Petty corruption information significantly decreases institutional trust while grand corruption information does not. • Discussing the consequences of corruption decreases institutional trust even when the potential consequences are positive. Widespread corruption and lack of trust in political institutions are common development problems that are likely deeply interconnected. We contribute to the existing understanding of their relationship using survey experimental methods and by investigating how different dimensions of corruption affect trust. Does grand versus petty corruption affect citizen trust in political institutions? What about corruption with positive versus negative consequences? After presenting respondents in Peru with randomly assigned information about these specific aspects of political corruption, we measure 1) attitudes about trust in government institutions and 2) behavioral engagement in anti-corruption efforts through donations to a well-known Peruvian NGO. We find that petty corruption, but not grand corruption, decreased institutional trust compared to a control. Additionally, in contrast to previous findings showing that "beneficial" corruption reduces electoral punishments for individual politicians, both positive and negative consequences decreased institutional trust. Corruption information did not alter donations to an NGO. Going beyond the correlations found in prior observational studies, this paper demonstrates a causal relationship between corruption information and institutional trust. Our results signal the importance of addressing petty corruption to improve public trust. They also emphasize important difficulties in motivating citizen action against corruption because anti-corruption messaging can decrease trust, while failing to motivate even low-cost political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We assess the impact of communal versus public water provision on child health in Peru. • Identification strategy based on the discontinuity in the type of provision across district sub-units. • Communal organizations result in better health outcomes in historical Inca settlements. • Long-standing effects of the Minka tradition of collective work. • Social norms and traditions are important for the success of communal projects. Communal water organizations are widespread in many areas of developing countries, where local governments lack the resources to offer a minimum quality water service. However, these organizations have their own resource limitations and they additionally face the well-known problems associated with collective action. It is therefore unclear how effectively they can provide safe water, and the evidence available thus far is mixed. This paper analyzes the communal water organizations in Peru known as Juntas Administrativas de Servicios de Saneamiento (JASS). Using detailed household survey data, we empirically assess the differential impact of the JASS vis-à-vis public systems on two water-related child health outcomes: diarrhea and low birth weight. Our identification strategy exploits the legislative changes introduced in the 2000s and the arbitrary cut-off to classify the administrative sub-units of Peruvian municipalities (districts) in order to achieve exogenous variation in the type of water provision. We find that child diarrhea and low birth weight are significantly lower for households served by JASS in the districts located in the first Inca settlements where the pre-Columbian tradition of communal work, called Minka, has survived over centuries. We also show that in those districts the JASS have better governance (existence of their own rules, higher participation and accountability and a greater ability to obtain external support). These findings confirm the hypothesis that social capital and traditions foster cooperation among community members and are in line with recent works showing the importance of historically developed institutions in building social capital. More generally, our results suggest that communal organizations are not a one-fits-all solution, but rather their success depends crucially on the existence of mechanisms for overcoming the problems associated with collective action and the active involvement of the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]