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Highlights • First assessment of sustainable development achievements of Brazilian CDM projects. • Four project types are analyzed: hydro, biomass energy, landfill gas and methane avoidance. • CDM project types have stimulated local income and labor opportunities. • Only CDM hydro projects have contributed to reduce poverty at the local level. Abstract The goal of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is both emission reduction and sustainable development, but while emission reductions generate revenues for the project developer, no such benefit results from the achievement of sustainable development. The objective of this research is therefore to analyze to which extent CDM investments have led to sustainable development benefits, and whether there is a difference in these effects between renewable energy and waste handling and disposal projects. Complementary to existing studies, which are based on potential effects reported ex-ante by project developers, this paper aims at quantifying impacts of CDM projects on sustainable development based on empirical data. Using data for years 2000 (pre-CDM) and 2010 (post-CDM) for Brazilian municipalities, this paper combines difference-in-differences assessment with matching techniques to identify the effect of CDM investments on development and poverty indicators by distinguishing for four project's types: hydro, biomass energy, landfill gas and methane avoidance. Results show that CDM project types have stimulated local income and labor opportunities but only hydro projects have contributed to reduce poverty at the municipal level for the period analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the impact of land reforms on household agricultural investments, livelihood strategies, and income levels in Brazil. Given the persistence of rural poverty in Northeast Brazil and the existence of both land and credit market failures, land reforms remain important policy tools for alleviating poverty and increasing growth. This paper evaluates the impact of the recent National Program of Land Credit, a controversial market-assisted land reform program that provides access to land through private land markets. Household-level panel data covering similar beneficiary and control groups allows for identification using both propensity score weighting and difference-in-difference methodologies. The evidence indicates that the Land Credit successfully transitions households into agriculture, with land holdings and investments increasing as a result of the program. As with many earlier land reform programs in Latin America, the new wave of market-assisted land reforms does not increase access to private credit. While land reforms have the potential to drive redistribution, poverty reduction, and growth, these findings suggest that ensuring greater access to credit, irrigation, and higher return economic activities remains important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper investigates whether small-scale water supply systems implemented and operated by water user associations increase access to piped water supply in rural Brazil by more than systems by local governments. Starting from 15% to 16% in the year 2000, access rates in rural areas with water user associations increased to 33.4% in 2010. In areas with local government supply systems, access rates only increased to 24.9%. Based on data from Brazilian census and the national water and sanitation survey, the empirical analysis in this paper shows that the observed difference is effectively due to project-type choice. Additionally it points toward higher accountability as a potential reason for better results of community-based projects. In municipalities where social groups requested a new system before the local government started implementation and therefore public awareness for the project was higher, the increase in access rates is comparable to the increase in municipalities with water user association projects. The same is true if local media is present or political competition in local elections is higher. As the effect of project type on access rates might be confounded by simultaneous drivers of project-type choice and access rates, the quantitative analysis is based on a difference-in-difference estimator in combination with kernel matching to overcome the endogeneity of project type. The treatment effect revealed by this analysis is robust to various specification changes and the robustness checks show no structural differences between treatment and control groups that could bias the results. The calculation of matching weights for the kernel matching is informed by semi-structured interviews with academics and sector experts in Brazil explaining the determinants of project choice. The interviews highlight the political economy behind infrastructure expansion in rural Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity and the state as a tool to advance dispossessions. • Dispossessions such as debt interest payments or privatizations simply redistribute surpluses or means of production, with no impact on capital expansion. • Dispossessions of peasants or indigenous people from lands and forests expand capital by turning their means of subsistence into means of capitalist production. • The transfer to for-profit companies of public services, facilities, or spaces turns means of subsistence into commodities and thus expands capital. • Capitalization, commodification, or the termination of contemporary commons reduce means of subsistence and thus increase the availability of exploitable labor-power. In 2020–2021 Brazil simultaneously experienced the far-right presidency of Jair Bolsonaro and the world's largest health crisis in a century. The Covid-19 pandemic struck the country deeply, killing about 690 thousand people by late 2022. They were also years of increased pressure by capital on peasants and indigenous people, targets of the violence with which capital, ever since its dawn, has wielded to advance over spaces that serve the subsistence of immediate producers. In this period, the Brazilian state continued to comply with decades-old demands from neoliberal ideology for privatizations and the dismantling of protections for workers and the poor in general. These phenomena, when articulated by theory inspired by the Marxian concept of primitive accumulation, suggest that the Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity for dispossessing policies. The article discusses this based on concepts that distinguish dispossessions that serve capital expansion from those that do not. The first group includes processes that lead to proletarianization of immediate producers in addition to the capitalization or commodification of hitherto means of subsistence. Among dispossessions that do not expand capital are those that involve the simple redistribution of surpluses or means of production. The paper contributes to the literature on dispossession by analyzing concrete manifestations of it, drawing on a conceptual framework that distinguishes dispossession types that have been conflated in much current research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper estimates the effect of a limit on police use of force on violence – both police and civilian violence – in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. • Police killings and shootings plummeted after the limit. I argue that the internal oversight effectively tied the police's hands in the short run. • Civilian homicides, usually associated with organized crime, also fell. I show two ways that less police violence can slow criminal conflict. • A key takeaway is that restraining the police in high-crime settings may lower violence, both that committed by police and by criminal groups. • These results cast doubt on the efficacy of hard-on-crime policies and suggest that more police restraint, at a minimum, does no harm. Governments in the Americas rely on aggressive policing tactics to fight crime, despite scant evidence of impact. While recent studies depict militarized policing as a driver of violence, few governments have reconsidered their use of it. What impact does a restriction on aggressive policing have on violence, and why? This paper examines limits on police use of force and how they can be implemented to reduce both police and civilian violence. I argue that reforms that require internal, non-police oversight can be effective institutional constraints, minimizing police violence. In settings where organized crime is widespread, these limits can have spillover effects and further decrease civilian violence by (1) slowing the territorial diffusion of criminal conflict and (2) making conflict more predictable. I test these claims by examining an abrupt limit on police raids in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. I find that limiting raids – militarized police strikes targeting criminal gangs and communities under their control – led to a 66% decrease in police killings and a 58% decrease in homicides. The effects were concentrated in police precincts where rival criminal groups are in close proximity. Limiting raids did not lead police to be more violent during ordinary patrolling duties, and did not affect property crimes. The implication is that restraining police use of force in high-violence settings may save lives and be no worse than hard-on-crime strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper investigates the effects of political (mis)alignment on public service delivery when mandates are shared between state and local governments. We analyze local sewage treatment policies in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. The Brazilian Constitution divides the mandates related to the control of water pollution. It gives the mayors of municipalities the control of local sanitation services while the governor of the state of São Paulo is responsible for the quality of water bodies (watersheds and rivers). As a result, the state government and municipalities have conflicting objectives. The former is committed to water environmental protection while the latter do not internalize the externalities associated with dumping raw sewage that affect neighboring municipalities. In this paper, we argue that informal arrangements between state and local authorities play a key role in addressing this principal–agent problem or moral hazard issue. Given that constitutional debates have failed to set up a regulatory framework, the de facto solution is a more informal type of regulation anchored in the political leverage of the governor. In particular, the hierarchy within a political party allows the governor to provide aligned mayors with tailored incentives to improve local sanitation infrastructure. As a result, aligned municipalities should, on average, allocate more resources to sewage treatment. Relying on difference-in-differences estimations, we establish a causal relationship between political alignment and higher sewage treatment provision. We find that sewage treatment provision is between 18% and 46% higher in municipalities in which the mayor is aligned with the governor of the state of São Paulo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This paper addresses neglected questions about the long-term co-evolution of capabilities and networks at the heart of latecomer innovation systems, examining the case of Petrobras, the Brazilian oil company between the late-1960s and the early-2000s. The paper demonstrates the existence of accumulative, non-recursive, and self-reinforcing relationship between capabilities and networks. The firm’s capabilities at a particular time enabled and constrained the forms of networks that were possible, while increases in capabilities functioned as “entry tickets” to participate in new network forms. In turn, knowledge networks at any time helped to consolidate emerging levels of capabilities, and also reach higher capability margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The present paper considers a sometimes contentious process of land reform presently occurring in Brazil. This process, referred to in the paper as Direct Action Land Reform (DALR), involves organizations such as the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST) and more spontaneous actions of individuals desiring a piece of land for their own. Results of a survey covering 751 households engaged in such land reform actions in the Brazilian Amazon are presented, in order to describe participants and land reform processes. Evidently, social movement organizations provide for a modest degree of wealth accumulation, a welfare improvement that must be set against potential environmental costs. The paper concludes by calling attention to the challenge DALR may ultimately pose to the Brazilian state. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: Brazil, the world’s largest coffee exporter, encouraged efforts in the 1960s to form the International Coffee Agreement (ICA), which restricted total coffee exports via country export quotas. The quotas led to significant domestic quota rents in producing countries. This paper analyzes the effects of rent seeking in Brazil. The Brazilian Institute of Coffee (IBC), which was responsible for coffee policy, was the focus of rent seeking. The paper models the policy instruments used by the IBC; shows how rent seeking affected policy, industry efficiency, and the distribution of rents; explains the causes and effects of IBC reforms in the late 1980s; and draws lessons from the experience. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary Brazil has always been considered to be a land free of racial and ethnic tensions. However, despite Brazil being famous for miscegenation, racial discrimination in Brazil has been documented in the literature, especially in light of the huge disparity between Brazil’s racial groups with respect to economic outcomes and education levels. The objective of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of the economics of racial discrimination in Brazil. To this end, the effect of segregation on the income of workers is estimated using data from elementary schools in São Paulo, the largest city in the country. Measures of segregation in the educational system are evaluated using economic data obtained from the 2010 census. It is shown that segregation plays a fundamental role on the wage gap among racial groups. This effect may be attributed to the virtual absence of pretos and pardos in private schools. In public education, however, there is little separation along racial lines, which suggests that lack of access to social networks and to higher quality public schools may be the most important element in explaining wage differences. In Brazil, racial discrimination seems to work indirectly through socio-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary In recent decades, a significant number of developing countries have implemented fiscal incentives programs for the tourism industry as part of their regional development policies. The main objective of these programs is to increase local investment and employment, as tourism activities are labor intensive. Little evidence is available, however, to assess the effect of these policies on job creation in emerging markets. In this paper, we analyze a program of fiscal incentives introduced by the Brazilian federal government in the SUDENE area in 2002 and in which tourism firms were eligible to participate. Through a difference-in-difference estimation, we compare the change in the logarithm of local employment in the SUDENE municipalities before and after 2002 to the change in the same outcome in a group of municipalities that were not affected by the program. Although our empirical analysis does not measure the efficiency of a similar fiscal policy, it is the first one in the literature to show its effectiveness. It provides evidence that the fiscal incentives led to a substantial increase in tourism employment in the SUDENE area. We find that, over the period 2002–09, municipal tourism employment was on average 30% higher than in the absence of the intervention. This result is robust and is not the consequence of either displacement effects or job destruction in neighboring municipalities that had not been targeted by the tax incentives. We finally discuss some limitations of our analysis that might open avenues for future research in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Capacity development is a development approach and a methodology with origins in colonization that has yet to be decolonized. The underlying assumption for the most part is that there are deficiencies in the abilities of the group in question, and does not question the possibility that the system or structure may be dysfunctional. The ongoing design and implementation of international protected area management systems in general, and the one described in this paper, continue to be based on a foundational assumption of a lack of community capacity for governance of the resources on which they depend, the “deficit” model. Emerging from the context of a community in Trindade, Brazil, the goal of the present project was to support members of a community-based organization in capacity development endeavors for needs they identified. Although the implementation of a series of courses is not a novel approach to capacity development, the commitment to critical pedagogy, the clarity of capacity development of what and for whom that was based on an assumption of capacity, defining the capacities needed and the purpose, and being guided by theory, were perhaps the more novel approaches used in this action research project. The goal of capacity development as attempted in the present research project was not to develop skills so that people may fit into an unjust structure or for ease of social control, but to support the enhancement of skills and knowledge to challenge the existing state of affairs. Instead of the insistence on Indigenous Peoples becoming willing partners in flawed governance systems, much work is needed to continue to address these significant flaws and failings, and to critically challenge the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Paper studies wages differentials across levels of governments in Brazil, Mexico, and Uruguay. • National government employees earn on average higher wages than observationally similar subnational employees, but difference disappears once individual heterogeneity is considered. • National and subnational public employees receive on average a wage premium with respect to private sector employment. • Results indicate public sector employees are positively selected in terms of their earnings potential in the private sector. Workers at subnational governments play a prominent role in the delivery of public services in most countries. Yet, information about their remuneration is scarce. Using data for Brazil, Mexico and Uruguay, we document that national government employees earn on average higher wages than observationally similar subnational employees; consequently, public–private sector wage gaps vary significantly by level of government. Then we use individual fixed-effects to estimate the wage premium to public sector employment (the wage gap net of selection effects) for Brazil and Mexico. We find that (i) both national and subnational public employees receive a significant wage premium with respect to private sector employment; and (ii) the difference between the national and subnational wage premiums is small in Brazil and null in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Displacement due to development projects such as dams, mines, and urban infrastructure often leads to livelihood decline among affected communities. The challenge, therefore, lies in implementing projects that achieve national or regional development goals while also generating positive social and economic outcomes for displaced populations. This paper uses a longitudinal, mixed-methods design to understand the short-term changes in wealth and subjective well-being of households displaced due to construction of the Belo Monte Dam in the Brazilian Amazon. The households were compensated by either cash or credit for their lost land and assets, and were then responsible for finding and purchasing new property. Using pre- and post-displacement household survey and semi-structured interview data, as well as data from a small comparison group, I find that wealth increased for the majority of the study population and that socioeconomic inequality decreased, as poorer households experienced greater improvements in housing conditions, assets, and property ownership. In addition, subjective well-being improved for most households, particularly among those who did not own land at baseline, those who gained assets such as vehicles, those who remained closer to the original study area, and those who remained in close proximity to other households from the study population. Moving to an urban destination was strongly associated with declines in well-being, as was moving far from family or friends. These results suggest that investing sufficient resources in a compensation-based resettlement program can benefit households displaced by large infrastructure projects in the short term, but additional data collection is needed after the completion of dam construction to determine whether these benefits are sustained over the longer term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper discusses South–South cooperation by examining ProSAVANA, a flagship agricultural development program seeking to apply Brazilian experience to Mozambique. ProSAVANA is a joint Japan–Brazil–Mozambique initiative in the savannah zone of Mozambique’s Nacala Corridor region that was initially inspired by the Japan–Brazil PRODECER program in Brazil’s Cerrado region. ProSAVANA subsequently became the focus of fears about land-grabbing in the Nacala Corridor, attracting strong civil society contestation. We show how distinct imaginaries of agricultural development in Mozambique and Brazil were used to mobilize for and against ProSAVANA, thus revealing the contentious nature of the similarity claims underpinning South–South cooperation. In particular, we focus on the role of landscape imaginaries associated with the savannah and the Cerrado. We examine the use in the promotion and contestation of ProSAVANA of visual representations that draw on these imaginaries, including GIS maps of Mozambique’s savannah region made by Brazilian agribusiness consultants and an advocacy video of Brazil’s Cerrado region filmed by Mozambican land rights activists. Noting that the latest ProSAVANA planning documents differ significantly from those expressing its initial vision, we argue that the contestation of ProSAVANA has had a series of productive effects even before the program has moved to full implementation. These productive effects are visible not only in the program itself but also in the wider context of state-society relations shaping debates on South–South cooperation in Mozambique, Brazil, and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Adverse weather shocks in the form of droughts increases violent crime rate in rural Brazil. • This effect appears to persist beyond the growing season and over the medium run. • Weather fluctuations are positively associated with agriculture yields as well as the overall economic activity. • The dominance of opportunity cost mechanism reflected in the income fluctuations of the agriculture and unskilled workers. This paper examines the effect of weather shocks on violent crime using disaggregated data from Brazilian municipalities over the period 1991–2015. Employing a distributed lag model that takes into account temporal correlations of weather shocks and spatial correlation of crime rates, I document that adverse weather shocks in the form of droughts lead to a significant increase in violent crime in rural regions. This effect appears to persist beyond the growing season and over the medium run in contrast to the conventional view perceiving weather effects as transitory. To explain this persistence, I show that weather fluctuations are positively associated not only with agriculture yields, but also with the overall economic activity. Moreover, evidence shows the dominance of opportunity cost mechanism reflected in the fluctuations of the earnings especially for the agriculture and unskilled workers, giving credence that it is indeed the income that matters and not the general socio-economic conditions. Other factors such as local government budget capacity, (un)-employment, poverty, inequality, and psychological factors do not seem to explain violent crime rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Co-management, in combination with social capital, is expected to improve social–ecological outcomes in protected areas. This paper builds a model of how co-management and social capital are linked, and it investigates how they have changed over time. We emphasize that considering the temporal aspect is crucial for assessing co-management and social capital. The following factors were found to facilitate co-management: a Participatory Advisory Council as a negotiation arena that links with a community-based organization; rotating meeting location to encourage community involvement; a committed Park director and sufficient staff. A co-management process requires ongoing investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Brazilian firms used to dominate the brazil nut (BN) market to such an extent that the product still carries the country’s name. In a surprising twist, 77% of all BNs are now processed and exported by Bolivia, a country with far fewer resources than its neighbor. This paper analyzes the impact of EU regulations on the global BN market. It finds that Bolivian producers prevailed because they joined forces to revamp their manufacturing practices and meet EU sanitary standards despite continued mutual mistrust. In contrast, Brazilian producers have been unable to work cooperatively and lost access to the European market entirely. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: This paper investigates whether the use of participatory budgeting in Brazilian municipalities during 1990–2004 affected the pattern of municipal expenditures and had any impact on living conditions. It shows that municipalities using participatory budgeting favored an allocation of public expenditures that closely matched popular preferences and channeled a larger fraction of their budgets to investments in sanitation and health services. This change is accompanied by a reduction in infant mortality rates. This suggests that promoting a more direct interaction between service users and elected officials in budgetary policy can affect both how local resources are spent and living standard outcomes. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: Brazilian politicians have long relied on pork and clientelism to win political support, and recent literature suggests that little has changed. However, researchers have yet to systematically investigate whether political criteria influence the distribution of funds through Bolsa Família. This is especially surprising given the program’s prominence in the international community. In this paper, I examine whether political criteria explain the federal government’s distribution of Bolsa Família. I find little evidence that political criteria explain the difference between the number of poor families that live in a municipality and the number of families that receive support. I conclude by discussing the broader significance of this large, programmatic policy to Brazil’s political development. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: Exporting has been upheld as the “Golden Standard” for industrial upgrading. However, research using the value chain approach shows that upgrading for developing country firms is often limited to the lowest value-added activities. Based on comparative research carried out in two Brazilian clusters (furniture and footwear industries), this paper shows that domestic and regional value chains can offer greater upgrading opportunities, providing space for activities of higher value-added, better remunerated and difficult to replicate, notably design, marketing, and branding. Moreover, this study highlights that many firms simultaneously serve multiple value chains (multichain) and that multichain firms have better upgrading prospects than those primarily exporting via Global Value Chains. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: Little is known about how MNE-affiliates are using their linkage capabilities to source or combine technological inputs in emerging economies. This paper attempts to address this critical gap in the literature by comparing and contrasting innovation practices (IPs) employed by MNE-affiliates in two large emerging economies, India and Brazil. Using a sample of over 1200 MNE-affiliates, factor analysis and segmentation techniques identified different combinations of technology inputs for innovation and the factors that influence the knowledge linkages between MNE-affiliates and national innovation systems. Our findings demonstrate the critical role played by host nations’ industrial policy in shaping IPs of MNE-affiliates. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: This paper examines the relationship between the employment of children and their mothers, with the aim of informing discussion on efforts to reduce child labor in Brazil. The analysis builds on the largely separate literatures on children’s time use and mothers’ work in two ways—by examining characteristics of employment which are often not available in survey data, and by modeling both children’s work and mothers’ employment. The results suggest that the relationship between children’s and mothers’ work is complex, with substantial evidence of positive correlation. The findings are consistent with the argument that anti-poverty programs that target women’s employment could result in increased child labor. This possibility warrants further analysis in order to better inform policy regarding child labor. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Summary: This paper, following an analysis developed by Stark et al. [Stark, D., Vedres, B., & Bruszt, L. (2006). Rooted transnational publics: integrating foreign ties and civic activism. Theory and Society, 35(3), 323–349] in Hungary, investigates whether NGOs that engage in transnational interactions are becoming less domestically integrated. We first comment on the proliferation of civic organizations and the hopes they have brought for a borderless civil society. Secondly, we discuss the literature on the implications of the north–south power asymmetry and the dependency on foreign funds for the accountability and responsiveness of South NGOs. The third section looks at survey data for Brazil to check if the concerns of the literature about the combination of domestic and foreign ties hold true. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• Countries can have distinct food systems depending on regional differences. • The proposed index is the first to measure the Brazilian food systems at state level. • The index ranks states on environmental, socioeconomic, and nutritional dimensions. • No state presented a high score for all dimensions, all of them can improve overall. • This methodology can be used by other countries to develop their own local indices. The sustainability of food systems is commonly measured at the global or national level using multidimensional indices. However, it is not possible to use such indices at subnational levels, because the data for many indicators are not available and large countries such as Brazil have completely different food systems depending on the state or region considered. This paper presents a sustainable food systems framework for Brazil and the Brazilian Multidimensional Index for Sustainable Food Systems (MISFS), which is the first index of its kind that considers local behaviors and actions to rank states and regions of the country. The dimensions and indicators included in the index were identified from a literature review and an exclusion criteria, which considered the Brazilian context, that ended up with 17 indicators divided in three dimensions (environmental, socioeconomic, and nutritional). We followed well-known procedures to create an interpretable multidimensional index, which include normalization, weighting, aggregating, and sensitivity analysis. The performance of the states was starkly different, regarding the indicators and dimensions considered. No state presented a high score for all three dimensions, and even states with a high MISFS score had room to improve in one or two dimensions. In general, high-income states scored well on socioeconomic indicators (e.g., agriculture education), but poorly on most environmental indicators (e.g., water footprint), and some nutritional indicators (e.g., obesity rate). This index is the first initiative to measure the Brazilian food systems according to local practices and behaviors at state level and it is a starting point to help policymakers understand the opportunities of improvement of their food systems. This study may also help other countries to develop their own frameworks and strategies to improve their regionalized food systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We investigated certification and auditing of soy in western Bahía, in the most dynamic agricultural frontier in Brazil. • We draw on 72 semi-structured interviews and a systematic analysis of public audit reports from RTRS-certified farms. • Certification and auditing have not successfully protected the access of local communities to land and water. • Shortcomings are explained by the business-dominated nature of RTRS, auditing practices and domestic contextual factors. The massive expansion of soy production in Brazil has contributed to a loss of access for local communities to land and water, particularly in highly dynamic frontier regions in the Cerrado. Soy certification standards like the Roundtable on Responsible Soy (RTRS) contain principles that are supposed to prevent such problems. In this paper, we examine the extent to which certification and auditing have served to protect local communities' access to land and water in western Bahía state in the Cerrado's Matopiba region. We draw on findings from field research in Brazil and western Bahía, 72 semi-structured interviews with corporate, state and civil society actors, and a systematic analysis of audit reports from RTRS-certified farms in Bahía. We find that auditing practices are not effective in protecting the rights and access of local communities to land and water due to three inter-related sets of factors: 1) the business-dominated nature of the drafting and content of the RTRS standard, 2) the structural limitations and everyday practices of auditing, and 3) domestic and local contextual factors in Brazil and western Bahía. This study aims to contribute to a re-thinking and re-assessment of certification and auditing practices and suggests that new approaches are required to govern global commodity chains in a more environmentally just way. We advocate for a locally embedded and community-sensitive perspective in research on certification and auditing, to complement previous research in the fields of critical political economy and sustainability governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We propose two indexes to account for the vulnerability related to COVID-19. • The northern and northeastern regions of Brazil have the highest degree of vulnerability from exposure to COVID-19. • The Indigenous population is the most vulnerable to infection with COVID-19 and is the most impoverished monetarily. • The Brown and Black populations are also at a disadvantage compared to the White and Asian groups. • Most states with the highest vulnerability from exposure to COVID-19 have also had the largest increase in death rates. This paper aims to show how much and in which way people in Brazil are deprived in terms of indicators directly related to the capacity to prevent and recover from infection with COVID-19. We use the Alkire-Foster (AF) method and a fuzzy-set approach as complements to measure multidimensional poverty within the context of the coronavirus pandemic. We propose two pandemic-specific indexes to account for the vulnerability related to the capacity to prevent infection with and to recover from the disease. The outcomes reveal structural deprivations in the country and considerable inequality among regions and ethnic groups. Rank correlation analyses suggest that the proposed indexes can trace the trends in increasing infection and a higher mortality rate in vulnerable regions. Compared to headcount ratio results, the fuzzy measures have more precise outcomes and are better able to capture the evolution in mortality patterns. Our empirical evidence offers an additional warning that the pandemic responses need to prioritize the most vulnerable groups and reinforces the need for coordinated national action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We verified that infrastructure negatively affects the levels of household poverty in Brazil. • These effects are strengthened when infrastructure quality and access are greater. • Our results also indicate that there are important spatial heterogeneities in household poverty. • Infrastructure policies should take into account the heterogeneities of the infrastructure in the regional scope. Many scholars have highlighted the role of infrastructure investments in promoting economic growth along with poverty reduction and social inclusion. Developing economies show substantial discrepancies in terms of infrastructure in the rural–urban, regional and income dimensions. These disparities may be reinforcing a social and economic framework marked by a large portion of the population living in poverty. In a scenario characterized by immense regional and income heterogeneities, the present study aims to evaluate the effect of infrastructure investments on household poverty in Brazil. In addition, we verify whether these effects vary according to infrastructure characteristics such as provision, quality and access. The analysis is based on detailed household microdata from the Demographic Census and infrastructure variables at the municipal and state levels, captured from a variety of data sources. An additional contribution of the paper is the novel application of multilevel logistic models to investigate the relationship between infrastructure and poverty at household, municipal and state levels. Our results demonstrate negative effects of the infrastructure provision on poverty. These effects, in turn, are strengthened when infrastructure quality and access are greater, which allows us to infer about the importance of public policies aimed at achieving lower inequalities in access to basic sanitation, Internet, transportation, telephone services and electricity. These policies should also take into account the infrastructure heterogeneities at the regional level, since such heterogeneities have been important in explaining household poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Terra Legal had no overall impact on deforestation as of 2012. • Deforestation levels increased following Terra Legal in highly registered counties. • Spatial spillovers from Terra Legal were minimal in the short term. • Temporary crop cultivation decreased with greater registered area. • Investment loans increased in counties with more area registered by small and medium farms. This paper estimates the early impacts of Terra Legal , a large property rights reform, on deforestation and farming in the Brazilian Amazon. Twelve and a half million hectares, more than 2.5% of the Brazilian Amazon, have been registered under this program. The establishment of property rights may increase a farmer's incentive to invest in his land and expand his farm due to a lower risk of expropriation. On the other hand, the enforcement of conservation requirements may be easier when farmers have legal titles to their land. We use county level data from 2007 to 2012 on farm registrations, deforestation, crop choice and bovine management to test the impact of the Terra Legal land reform. While we find no overall impact of the program on deforestation during the period in our sample, we do show that there is substantial heterogeneity in impacts across counties. Counties with the largest area registered do have an increase in the level of area deforested, but they also have a decrease in the rate of deforestation. We investigate the extent to which changes in deforestation are related to the amount of registration that occurs among small, medium and large farms, and find limited support for less deforestation among counties with more area registered by small farms; more area registered by large farms is associated with a higher level of deforestation, but a decreased deforestation rate. Our results suggest that land tenure reform can create incentives to decelerate deforestation. Farm size has a strong impact on the farm management changes generated by improved property rights; coupling land tenure reforms with incentives to intensify production rather than expand could lead to reduced deforestation, particularly among small farms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Studies the impact of the expansion of the road network on municipal population and economic activity between 1970 and 2000. • Addresses endogeneity in road location using as natural experiment the creation of the capital city Brasilia in 1960. • Identification strategy combines inconsequential unit approach and use of planned routes as instruments. • Improvement in access to State capitals generated agglomeration effects in terms of population and GDP growth. • Effects were stronger up to 200 km around cities and for areas with good amenities and a high share of non-agricultural GDP. This paper studies the impact of the rapid expansion of the Brazilian road network, which occurred from the 1960s to the 2000s, on the growth and spatial allocation of population and economic activity across the country's municipalities. It addresses the problem of endogeneity in infrastructure location by using an original empirical strategy, based on the historical natural experiment constituted by the creation of the new federal capital city Brasília in 1960. It highlights long term center-periphery agglomeration effects and shows heterogeneous effects of roads depending on the characteristics of metropoles they lead to and on the location of the municipalities themselves, in line with predictions in terms of agglomeration economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]