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Stellenbosch is a university town boasting knowledge-intensive economic sectors with a variety of ‘new economy’ occupations and activities. The presence of a professional and creative class, as well as university students has changed the economy, the retail landscape and the social spaces of the town. This paper reports on an investigation of the geography of coffee shops (third places) in downtown Stellenbosch and describes the social and physical factors which influence customer preferences for certain coffee shops. A brief review of the literature on the evolution of coffee shop and café cultures, the functioning as third places and the siting of coffee shops in inner cities (or specific neighbourhoods) is presented. A mixed-methods research approach consisting of transect walks, a questionnaire survey and three in-depth-interviews with coffee shop owners (or managers) is explained. The study area in the historical precinct of the town is contextualised. The bigger picture of coffee consumption in Stellenbosch – social and locational preferences, place attachments of consumers and the relative location of coffee shops – is sketched. The findings of three in-depth case studies (selected speciality coffee shops) are discussed. The paper concludes by pointing out some implications for the planning of consumption spaces in secondary cities in developing world contexts.

Since the 1980s, artists have been studied as agents of urban gentrification. Well established theories and case studies have provided numerous evidences of the role of artists as initiators of the gentrification process in working-class neighborhoods. From a productive-side perspective, placing an emphasis on the rent-gap and land development, as well as consumption-side perspective, analyzing the features of individuals, art production and artists have been identified as a source of initial gentrification. Complementary theorizations have studied the second wave of displacement produced by the massive arrival of private capital, which often has affected the artists themselves. The present paper adds to the body of literature than identifies the public sector as another key agent of gentrification. The paper analyzes the role of Barcelona’s public sector in the process of implementing this redevelopment program, and its interaction with artists in the neighborhood. In specific terms, it discusses the case of the Hangar Collective, located in Can Ricart, an old factory building which had been the home of small firms and artist groups. This center was at the heart of the urban struggle to maintain the status of firms and artists in the neighborhood, and to preserve the architectonic structure of the old factory complex. By 2010, once displaced small firms and groups of low-budget artists, only the artist’s association with Hangar, supported by public funds, remained in Can Ricart.

The formation of new industries has recently been widely studied, but little research attention has been paid to the formation of new industries in old industrial districts, especially in transitional countries such as China. Based on fieldwork and rereading historical archives, this paper uses an example of Dalian tourism cluster to contribute to understanding the emergence of new economy in old industrial areas in a transitional country. The Section 2 of this paper will provide the theoretical framework from evolutionary economics for my empirical study. In Section 3, this paper will discuss the main characteristics of the decline of old industrial areas in Northeast China and the significances of developing new economy to revitalizing old industry areas. Section 4 will introduce the transitional history of Dalian economy from a high industrial region to a new economy city and also provides descriptive information about the development process of Dalian tourism industry. In Section 5, this paper will probe into the dynamics of the Dalian tourism cluster, from viewpoints of co-evolution and co-adaptation of firm, technology and institutions. Finally, we will give some policy suggestions of how to foster and promote new industries in old industrial areas, especially for transitional countries.

Since the 1980s, artists have been studied as agents of urban gentrification. Well established theories and case studies have provided numerous evidences of the role of artists as initiators of the gentrification process in working-class neighborhoods. From a productive-side perspective, placing an emphasis on the rent-gap and land development, as well as consumption-side perspective, analyzing the features of individuals, art production and artists have been identified as a source of initial gentrification. Complementary theorizations have studied the second wave of displacement produced by the massive arrival of private capital, which often has affected the artists themselves. The present paper adds to the body of literature than identifies the public sector as another key agent of gentrification. The paper analyzes the role of Barcelona's public sector in the process of implementing this redevelopment program, and its interaction with artists in the neighborhood. In specific terms, it discusses the case of the Hangar Collective, located in Can Ricart, an old factory building which had been the home of small firms and artist groups. This center was at the heart of the urban struggle to maintain the status of firms and artists in the neighborhood, and to preserve the architectonic structure of the old factory complex. By 2010, once displaced small firms and groups of low-budget artists, only the artist's association with Hangar, supported by public funds, remained in Can Ricart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]