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Asymmetries of power are not only a characteristic feature of today's world order but also manifest in knowledge production in the discipline of international relations (IR). Even the use of the 'Global South' concept, which highlights one set of hierarchies in international politics, sometimes perpetuates them latently, instead of offering solutions to overcome them. From a critical pedagogy perspective, I explore whether engaging in a dialogue on the 'Global South' can facilitate an understanding of the structures and processes of knowledge production and the perpetuation of hierarchies in the discipline. The paper argues that such knowledge can be created with reference to Paolo Freire's concept of dialogic encounters by using research designs deriving from participatory action research. The goal of this article is to contribute to making IR as a discipline more inclusive through the co-production of knowledge that incorporates marginalised voices across the Global North and the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical perspective on the growing phenomenon of governance indicators in international politics. I employ a governmentality approach to shed light on the political meanings and outcomes of the increasing tendency of various international actors to rate and rank the governance capacities and performances of states. In particular, I argue that, beyond being an analytic tool or an advisory system for governments, this practice in fact reproduces structures of authority and hierarchy in the international system. Power and knowledge are bound together in many governance indicators, as powerful states either examine themselves, the quality of governance of Third World states, or adopt the examinations carried out by other agents. Consequently, poor and developing states cannot simply ignore these ratings and rankings. The governance indicators establish a discursive field of state legitimacy and normalcy and 'responsibilises' states: construct them as ethical actors that are capable of correct and responsible choices and policies. As a result, the responsibility of powerful states and international actors for a host of social, economic and political problems in many Third World countries is obscured. Therefore the paper calls for closer attention to be paid to the elements of power in these governance indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International service learning, a form of service learning where students travel to developing countries to provide community services of varying types, has come to be common practice at universities throughout the Global North. This paper reports and discusses a case study focused on the ethical questions arising from current practice at one Canadian university. The study follows the path students take from their home university to their final placement. In the context of the political economy of North-South relations in a period of neoliberalism, the analysis considers the ethics of power differentials, reciprocity, accountability, student preparedness and qualifications in relation to host communities. The article concludes with a critique of post-secondary institutional involvement with and promotion of international service learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Brazil was perceived internationally during the 2014 World Cup (2014WC), for which one of Brazil’s perceived objectives was to enhance its international image to play a more significant role on the world stage. Nine media outlets’ coverage of the 2014WC was analysed using the website Alexa. These outlets published 699 articles about diverse themes relating to Brazilian society. The outlets studied considered the event a success overall and emphasised Brazil’s natural beauty, but raised concerns about social problems such as inequality. We conclude that the 2014WC updated but did not fundamentally alter Brazil’s international image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central themes in development theory have addressed exclusion of social groups, poverty gaps and strategies to overcome development deficits. In order to perceive the spatial structuring of inequality, concepts defining three separate worlds found ubiquitous appreciation and omnipresent adaptation. Coinciding with the end of the Cold War the 'endism' debate also suggested the end of the 'Third World'. Presently it has become apparent that development theories which have ordered global space into three different worlds are experiencing rejuvenated appreciation. Nevertheless, the recourse towards trichotomising the world is not necessarily stimulated by the same concepts as previously. In the era of globalisation and post-developmentalism concepts favouring nation-states as sole reference points have been challenged and criticised, although the debate about failed states has again drawn attention to those entities. The post-9/11 perception of world order, chaos and conflicts has structured the previously acknowledged limitation of resources and the impossibility of catching-up strategies for developing countries in such a manner that 'new' Third World theories point at the exclusion from the developed world of outsiders, by attributing them pre-modern levels of state development and sovereignty. A prominent result of this debate is a perception of ordered space along lines which seemed to have been abandoned some time ago. This paper compares and scrutinises contemporary concepts of dividing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Budget support-aid delivered directly to developing country government budgets-accounts for a growing proportion of overseas development assistance. In theory it has multiple benefits over other forms of aid in terms of attaining poverty reduction and development objectives. However, recent years have seen several incidents of budget support being frozen, halted or redirected because of slippage in the democratic credentials of certain countries, including Ethiopia, Uganda, Nicaragua, Honduras, Madagascar and Rwanda. This article analyses these incidents in relation to debates over aid conditionality. It finds that donors are willing to apply political conditionality when otherwise good performing governments go politically astray, but it questions whether budget support is a viable instrument for pushing for democratic change. Co-ordinated donor action appears to be increasing, but aid flows to the countries discussed remain high and the governments in question tend to be dismissive in the face of such pressure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implications of the rise of new powers in the Global South for a central principle of global order: the distinction between the 'North' and the 'South', or 'developed' and 'developing countries', that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century. In doing so, we assess whether, and if so, how, the increasing tension between the binary 'North–South' distinction and growing heterogeneity within the Global South – as evidenced by the rise of emerging economies – has been reflected in the rules of multilateral trade policymaking. In the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the 'North–South' categorisation forms the basis of the legal principle of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) that grants special rights to developing countries. To trace the evolution of SDT, we analyse legal developments and processes of contestation based on our conceptualisation of possible options for adaptation: graduation, individualisation and fragmentation. Drawing on a dataset of WTO decisions and agreements from 1995 to 2019, we find that the group of developing countries increasingly competes with other groups of disadvantaged countries for equity-based differential treatment. The resulting fragmentation contributes to the unmaking of the North–South distinction as a central ordering principle in global trade politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'cities of the Global South' has become an increasingly popular reference in urban studies and urban development practice. Notwithstanding, the term remains underexplored and the majority of research does not address whether the Global North/Global South dichotomy is a useful theoretical framework for urban studies. This article provides a more detailed analysis of the term Global South in urban research and presents benefits and pitfalls of applying a Southern perspective. Using the research field 'cities as transnational climate change actors' as an example, I highlight both advantages and problems of categorising urban areas as 'cities of the Global South'. Structural differences between Northern and Southern cities regarding climate change action do exist, and theory building on cities as transnational actors is well advised to consider those differences in order to avoid a Global North bias. However, the categories Global North/Global South are only one possibility to analyse cities as transnational climate change actors and – depending on the research question – should be accompanied by analytical attention to additional factors such as geographical location, city size or political regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article views the history of the Group of 77 through the lens of its relations with unctad's establishment in 1964, its unsuccessful struggle for the nieo in the 1970s, and the subsequent loosening of ties. The debt crisis of the 1980s, the Uruguay Round negotiations, and the arrival of the wto are seen as crucial forces unravelling the previously close links. Growing differentiation among developing countries and the changing leadership of the G77 are also cited as important influences on its current relationship with unctad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain institutional change in international patent politics since the conclusion of the 1995 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (trips). I argue that the distribution of interests in this issue area adheres to a sharp North–South distinction, and that the pursuit of largely incompatible and conflicting patent agendas by industrialised and developing countries, respectively, has led to the gradual emergence of an international patent regime complex. Focusing on trips-plus measures under various Free Trade Agreements, patent enforcement clubs and a range of UN organisations which have recently gained relevance for international patent politics, I show how the distribution of interests in this area has led to the development of two parallel and partially inconsistent international governance structures. I conclude that the distribution of interests explains the propensity of regime complexes towards stability and change, with institutional change being particularly pronounced when overlapping interests among revisionist actors enhance the prospects of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisiting the events leading to the collapse of Third World summitry in 1965, this article proposes that the rise and fall of Third World unity efforts in the years 1955–65 originated from the unsuccessful attempt by industrialised Afro-Asian (aa) countries to turn unindustrialisedaastates into their export markets. As a case study, this article explores Egypt’s economic foreign policy towards otheraacountries and its activity within theaaand the Non-aligned movements, and compares Egyptian strategy in this field with that of China and Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past 10 years Northern aid agencies have made a concerted effort to participate in South–South cooperation. This article analyses the key modes and motivations behind this growing engagement, looking specifically at three areas: multilateral platforms, triangular cooperation and knowledge production about South–South cooperation. Across all these efforts we perceive a concerted attempt to gain legitimacy by emphasising horizontality in the co-construction of knowledge about development. We argue that, within a context of shrinking Northern aid, this engagement is a way to harness South–South cooperation in order to preserve and expand Northern influence, both within and outside the field of development cooperation. This interpretation suggests the need to further examine the ‘bridging’ initiatives and mutual impact of intersection points between Northern aid and South–South cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anxieties about development in New Zealand show up in a deep-rooted fear of the ‘Third World’ in the country. We examine how the term ‘Third World’ is deployed in media discourses in economic, social and environmental contexts and how this deployment results in a ‘discursive distancing’ from anything associated with the ‘Third World’. Such distancing demonstrates a fragile national identity that struggles with the contradictions between the nation's desire to be part of the ‘First World’ of global capitalism and the growing disparities in health and wealth within it. The shadow of the ‘Third World’ prevents New Zealand from confronting the realities of its own inequities, which in turn comes in the way of a sound development agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides a historical account of the creation of the ldc category in 1971, analyses the motives of the main actors and examines the motivation of the UN to establish the category. A literature review, official document analysis and expert interviews indicate that, from the perspective of both developed and more advanced developing countries, the initial ldc identification process aimed to generate a reduced list of mostly small and economically and politically less significant countries. Contrary to the official narrative, this served the interests of both developed countries (by undermining the UN's implicit effort to normalise/depoliticise international assistance) and more advanced developing countries (disturbed by the discrimination created within the developing countries' group, favouring the most disadvantaged among them). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyber-crime's footprints across the developing world are getting bigger. The aim of this article is to examine the structure of cyber-crimes in developing economies. Its central idea is that economic and institutional factors facing cyber-criminals and potential victims in the developing world are different from those in the developed world. In economies characterised by low internet penetration rates and few resources devoted to fighting cyber-crimes, formal institutions related to such crimes tend to be thin and dysfunctional. A cyber-criminal is less likely to be stigmatised in such economies. Moreover, organisations' and individuals' technological and behavioural defence mechanisms are likely to be weaker. Many people in developing economies are also attracted into cyber-crime because of high unemployment and low wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contests dominant projections of Africa's future, most notably the Afro-pessimism that permeates almost all Northern analyses. While long-term data do confirm the continent's developmental impasse, they also dispute the dominant argument that Africa has been isolated and disengaged from the world economy. Indeed, Africa has been increasingly engaged with - and impoverished by - its relationships with Europe and North America. African scholars, recognising this dilemma, call for a return of the 'developmental state'. This recommendation, however, like Afro-pessimist projections, fails to take into account fundamental transformations in Africa's geostrategic and world-economic relationships. The implications of two key, global transitions are traced for Africa and particularly South Africa: first, the disruptive power of global social movements; second, the rise of Asia and the demise of US and European hegemony over Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades more emerging/developing economies have become home to a rising number of multinational corporations. Now that a majority share of the world's gdp has begun to be supplied by today's non-industrialised nations, with the expectation of more to come in the decades ahead, it is important to have a better understanding of the current facts and figures surrounding these 'emerging' multinationals. This is the main objective of this study, which has the additional aim of analysing the future prospects of these companies as they compete with their First World counterparts. Its main conclusions are that, presently, there is a rather small number of home nations and a limited number of multinationals domiciled therein; relatively more advanced emerging economies have produced larger, publicly listed, globally oriented enterprises; and the future prospects of such firms will be greatly influenced by major economic and political reforms to be undertaken by their respective home governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two different bodies of literature that have sought to understand the 'deep determinants' behind the gap between rich and poor nations are examined. One body of literature highlights the significance of geography as a key analytical concept in understanding both the spatial and environmental aspects that effect economic development. The other body of literature underlines the central role of institutions in accounting for the divide between rich and poor nations. In order to gain a multi-faceted understanding of the main theoretical and methodological themes in these two bodies of literature, this article is structured as follows. First, I lay out the key analytical and definitional aspects of the literature on geography and institutions. Second, I examine how the literature attempts to empirically account for the income gap between nations. Third, I identify some key theoretical and methodological shortcomings in the two bodies of literature. Finally, I tease out some key policy prescriptions that can be inferred from the respective analyses of the geography and institutions arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-development, the most recent radical reaction to the problems of postwar development efforts, has been the focus of both strident criticism and restrained defence in Third World Quarterly. This article shows that addressing post-development's shortcomings is more useful than dismissing or limiting its potential. By using the work of Foucault, one of post-development's theoretical departure points, a clear distinction is drawn between the operation of power in colonial and development eras. This requires a shift away from repressive views of power, ideas that a singular force directs development, and the colonisation metaphor used by some post-development writers. This article then shows that combining Foucault's notion of dispositif with his concept of normalisation is useful for understanding the operation of power in the postwar development project, and for comprehending how power operates through the World Bank. In this way a critical engagement with post-development can improve our understanding and analysis of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The export of toxic waste to less-industrialised countries has developed into a thriving business for waste traders over the past decade. As costs for disposal of hazardous wastes rose dramatically across the industrialised world in the 1980s, the developing world was seen as an inexpensive place to off-load toxic industrial by-products. While developing countries were in need of the income to be gained from accepting toxic waste from the West, in nearly all cases they were not equipped to handle those wastes in such a way as to protect peoples' health and the environment. In response to the rising incidence of hazardous waste exports from the industrialised to the less-industrialised world over the past decade, environmental NGOS and developing countries have allied themselves to call for an end to this trade. After seven years of campaigning, this 'Third World-NGO alliance' was successful in early 1994 in bringing about a ban on the waste trade with less-industrialised countries within the context of the Basel Convention on the Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste and its Disposal. This article seeks to show that the international trade in hazardous waste with less-industrialised countries is a striking example of two important aspects of global environmental affairs today. These are first, the inextricable links between the world economy and the global environment and, second, the important role played by non-state actors such as NGOS in global environmental politics. The first section of this article outlines how international trade, production, and financial relationships have determined the direction and extent of the toxic waste trade with less-industrialised countries. It also shows that the waste trade in turn has not only negatively affected the environments of many of these countries, but also threatens their future economic prospects. Section two discusses the important role NGOS have played in the negotiation of the Basel Convention on the international toxic waste trade. It argues that by linking up with Third World states to fight for a waste trade ban, NGOS were able to exert a great deal of influence over the outcome of that treaty. Section three then looks at the subsequent expansion of the alliance between Third World states and NGOS, and their recent success in bringing about a ban on the waste trade with less-industrialised countries within the context of the Basel Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increasing gap between the telecommunications rich and poor. Technological developments are leading to the global restructuring of the telecommunications industry. Developing countries are forced to respond to such worldwide restructuring despite the increasing gap between the telephone rich and the telephone poor. Developing countries have acknowledged the association between economic growth and telecommunications provision. Bilateral and commercial financing are expected to help develop the telecommunications infrastructure in developing nations.

Presents an article about the trends in superpower competition between the U.S. and the Soviet Union in terms of influence and position in developing countries in the 1990s. Objectives of the superpowers in developing countries; Superpower assessments of third world politics; Background of U.S. and Soviet foreign policies towards developing countries.

The article highlights some cases of waste-trading where industrialized countries agreed with developing countries to dump their hazardous materials in these sites where the necessary environmental controls, regulatory infrastructure and public opinion are less developed. It presents a structural model of the waste production, handling and final disposal processes in defining the uncertainties and regulatory options. Lastly, it suggests that regulatory concerns should focus more on the point of production of the wastes and on better ordering of the ill-defined organizational environmental condition that make up waste life-cycles and their risks.

The article focuses on the possibility of four Southeast Asia countries and four countries of South Asia to emulate the economic success of newly industrialized countries (NICs) in East Asia. The author points out the aspects of NICs' performance that other Asian countries want to imitate. He mentions the NICs' sustained high real growth rates of gross domestic products as the most remarkable factors on the economic growth of the NICs. He also stresses the significance of economic growth brought about by the accumulation of industrial capital which involves the expansion of investment in productive activities. Furthermore, he emphasizes the negative effects of the error of policy voluntarism on growth of government in the economy.