Search

Since time immemorial, religion has been, and is, a part of society that provides a moral compass and stability in society. It regulates human behavior so that there is conformity to norms and values that are upheld by society. Deviation from these norms and values is subject to sanction, which results in incarceration. At the turn of the 20th century, a more proactive step has been taken for the rehabilitation of those who have come into conflict with the law. The many secular programs that were implemented in the rehabilitation of prisoners 1 provided little to the desired effect, which is highlighted by looking at the rate of recidivism. In this context, the role of religion became increasingly recognized as a way to rehabilitate prisoners. In some instances, faith-based programs have been integrated into secular programs, while in other instances, faith-based organizations (FBOs) volunteer to independently provide their service. Irrespective of the approach used, there is sufficient evidence to support the view that faith-based programs have a positive effect on the rehabilitation of prisoners and helps to reduce recidivism.

In the trans-border migration discourse, it would appear that such forms of migration in the main comprise men. Scant attention has been accorded to researching female initiated migration. One of the challenges confronting migration researchers is access to respondents that will share their experiences in fear of being exposed to repatriation or coming into conflict with migratory laws of the host country. This study overcomes such challenges by engaging with fifteen Rwandan female migrants who have self-initiated their migration to South Africa. It recounts whether their decision to migrate to South Africa has been mitigated by economic and social motives and whether such decision to migrate was voluntary. Their experiences in the migration journey and the steps that they take to secure a livelihood are explored. The impact of social networks before and after migration to their host country is analysed.

Perceptions of crime is constructed on the basis of an individuals’ personal estimation of the nature and incidence of crime in their environment; the perceived risk of becoming a victim of crime and on the basis of perceptions of significant others around them. The likelihood of a person becoming a victim of crime is strongly influenced by, among other things, gender, age, income, place of residence and race. Although the latest crime statistics in South Africa reveal that levels for certain categories of crime have decreased, rising levels of insecurity have become a key concern in society, posing a threat not only to social order and the economic well-being of the country, but also to the quality of life for people. Public perceptions about the risk of criminal victimization and the fear of crime are influential in shaping policy and the priorities of state expenditure on law and order initiatives. If public concern about crime is driven by an exaggerated assessment of the risks of victimization then strategies need to be put in place to address the situation. This paper explores attitudes and public perceptions of crime which were obtained from interview surveys conducted with the White populace in three different localities within the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, viz., Central Durban, the Natal Midlands (Dundee), and the North Coast (Empangeni). All three localities translate into urban, peri-urban and deep rural forms.