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Background: Previous research has suggested important contextual factors that can differentiate problem and nonproblem drinkers. Objectives: To evaluate the strength of the prospective association between social contexts of drinking and subsequent alcohol use disorder and drunk driving 2-3 years later. Methods: The sample consisted of 652 individuals who were originally recruited at college entry, had complete data on at least one social context subscale, met the minimum criteria for Year 1 drinking, and had nonmissing data on at least one of the outcome variables in Years 3 and/or 4. Social contexts of drinking were assessed in Year 1 by using previously validated scales measuring six different situational and motivational contexts in which alcohol is consumed. DSM-IV criteria for alcohol abuse and dependence and drunk driving were assessed annually. Results: Holding constant gender, race/ethnicity, and baseline drinking frequency, the frequency of drinking in a context of social facilitation, sex-seeking, or in a motor vehicle during Year 1 was significantly related to a greater likelihood of alcohol abuse, alcohol dependence, and drunk driving in Years 3 and/or 4. Drinking in a context of emotional pain was related to alcohol dependence and drunk driving but not to alcohol abuse. Conclusions: The Social Context of Drinking Scales have utility for identifying students who are at risk for developing alcohol-related problems. Scientific Significance: Identifying college students who might develop alcohol dependence requires an assessment of both situational and motivational factors that influence drinking, especially drinking in a motor vehicle. Language: en

Two social psychological theories (the Fishbein Model and the Health Belief Model) were used to derive attitude and belief factors to predict intentions to drive while under the influence of alcohol and actual drinking-driving behavior in a college population. The results revealed strong support for the Fishbein theory; attitudes and normative beliefs predicted intentions, while intentions were the best predictor of subsequent behavior. From the Health Belief Model, specific beliefs regarding one's effectiveness at being able to avoid getting caught by the police and cause an accident while driving under the influence of alcohol were also significantly related to drinking-driving intentions and behavior. These findings indicate that decisions to drink and drive are the result of one's personal evaluation of this behavior and one's perceived ability to control the threatening consequences. Thus drinking and driving may continue to be so prevalent in a college population because they erroneously believe that they are still safe drivers and effective at controlling the attendant risks.

Over 2,000 high school students were surveyed with an anonymous questionnaire to determine their frequency of drunk driving, social context of alcohol consumption, beliefs about drunk driving, and quantity and frequency of alcohol consumed. About 10% of the sample was identified as drunk drivers and they were compared with non-drunk driving drinkers according to a number of measures of where and why they drank. The results revealed highly significant differences in the social context of alcohol consumption for beer, wine, and liquor consumption. Across all three beverage categories, the most important discriminating social context factors were drinking at a dormitory and drinking to get along better on dates. Beer and liquor consumption were more important than wine consumption for discriminating drunk drivers from the non-problem drinking high school population. Quantity and frequency measures of alcohol consumption along with belief measures about drinking and driving did not substantially increase the discrimination between the two groups, but significantly increased the predictive power in a multiple regression analysis including the social context of alcohol consumption items.

A replication of the original survey of police attitudes toward marijuana was conducted in an adjacent county. The survey dealt with three sets of beliefs: the effects of marijuana, the enforcement of marijuana laws, and the causes of marijuana use. The overall results were quite similar to the initial findings in that most officers felt that marijuana was harmful (physically and psychologically) but not more so than alcohol; almost 28% believed that the possession of an ounce or less should be decriminalized, while 75% felt that the laws for possession of this amount were not being actively enforced; most felt that peer pressure is the main reason why people start to use it, that youthful users are not well informed about its effects, and that parents are unaware of their children's usage or its effects.

The attitudes of a major metropolitan police force were surveyed with regard to their beliefs about marijuana; especially, their beliefs about the effects of marijuana, the enforcement of laws for possession, and the causes for marijuana use. The results indicated that most officers felt marijuana was harmful (physically as well as psychologically) but not necessarily more so than alcohol; 31% believed that possession of small amounts (less than or equal to 1 oz) should be decriminalized, and 85% did not believe that current laws for possession of small amounts were being actively enforced; most officers felt that peer pressure is the main reason why people start to use it and that youthful users and their parents are not well informed about its effects. The officers' rank, educational level, and whether or not they had children were also significantly related to marijuana beliefs, suggesting important demographic factors which determine acceptance of current drug law changes.