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Throughout the twentieth century, beauty shops have been places where women could enjoy the company of other women, exchange information, and share secrets. The female equivalent of barbershops, they have been institutions vital to community formation and social change. But while the beauty shop created community, it also reflected the racial segregation that has so profoundly shaped American society. Links between style, race, and identity were so intertwined that for much of the beauty shop's history, black and white hairdressing industries were largely separate entities with separate concerns. While African American hair-care workers embraced the chance to be independent from white control, negotiated the meanings of hair straightening, and joined in larger political struggles that challenged Jim Crow, white female hairdressers were embroiled in struggles over self-definition and opposition to their industry's emphasis on male achievement. Yet despite their differences, black and white hairdressers shared common stakes as battles were waged over issues of work, skill, and professionalism unique to women's service work. Permanent Waves traces the development of the American beauty shop, from its largely separate racial origins, through white recognition of the "ethnic market," to the present day.

Acknowledgements Foreword G.Seguy Introduction: The Exceptional Trajectory of the French Labor Movement H.Chapman, M.Kesselman, M.A.Schain PART I: HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY: DECLINE OF MILITANTISM, INTER-UNION RELATIONS, AND RELATIONS WITH POLITICAL PARTIES Strategies and Events: The 'Form' of the CGT From 1936 to 1968 R.Mouriaux Reconceptualizing the Relationship Between Unions and Politics in France A.Daley PART II: ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE The Restructuring of Capital and Employment J.Magniadas Technology and the Labor Movement: Constraint or Opportunity for the CGT? M.Kesselman PART III: UNIONS, SOCIETY, AND WORKER MOBILIZATION Immigration and Trade Unions in France: A Problem and an Opportunity M.A.Schain Trade Unions and the Diversification of Class Structure: Technical Culture and Criticism of Power G.Groux The French Strike and Social Divide: The End of Consensus Politics? B.H.Moss Women and French Unions: Historical Perspectives on the Current Crisis of Representation L.Levine Frader PART IV: UNIONS, PUBLIC OPINION, AMD THE STATE One Century Later: Unions in French Public Opinion - Representations, Images and Expectations R.Cayrol Labor, Power, and the State in France: Lessons of Industrial Restructuring W.Rand Smith Virtual Trade Unionism in France: A Commentary on The Question of Unions, Public Opinion, and the State C.Howell PART V: THE INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGE: GLOBALIZATION AND THE EUROPEAN UNION The CGT's Internationalism: What Europe, What World? G.Ross The New International Trade Unionism J.Page About the Authors Index

THE DECLINE OF ONCE-FERVENT STANDARDS is always an interesting historical phenomenon. "Stand up straight"; "Get your elbows off the table"; "If you're not careful, you'll grow up like that" once echoed through American homes. While the advice still lingers in obscure corners, there is no question that the American population has relaxed its collective backbone. Robert Bork used posture decline as the symbol for a larger decay of national standards in his recent book, Slouching towards Gomorrah.1 In their heyday, posture concerns were partly symbolic, so it is not inappropriate to interpret their relaxation in the same light, without reducing the slackening of standards to a Borkian jeremiad. From another, less political vantage point, some contemporary doctors are wondering whether contemporary Americans have not pushed the neglect of posture too far, reducing their capacity to deal with injuries and painful back problems in an increasingly lengthy adulthood. Unquestionably, modern posture history provides another important chapter concerning the roles of discipline in nineteenth-century life and the growing informality of the twentieth century. While the origins of explicit posture standards have been fruitfully traced, their evolution has not gained historians' attention, yet it is at least as significant. Shifts in posture norms involved alterations in what parents and teachers expected of children, as well as in the ways strangers were evaluated. The changes reveal much about the rise of new leisure habits and changes in material culture, especially furniture. They even suggest alterations in larger social relationships, serving as part of the decline of middle-class identification through etiquette standards and raising interesting questions about the centrality of military imagery. The basic issue is a classic case of historical change, applied to intimate perceptions of the body: why did what was once regarded as proper become too stiff and uninviting? Yet the posture story also offers revealing complexities. Posture standards did not ease with the advent of new leisure patterns and the intensification of consumerism around 1900. When shifts in clothing and furniture began to reduce structural supports of rigid posture, a vigorous counterattack emerged that

Emotion: a complex set of interactions among subjective and objective factors, mediated through neural and/or hormonal systems, which gives rise to feelings (affective experiences as of pleasure or displeasure) and also general cognitive processes toward appraising the experience; emotions in this sense lead to physiological adjustments to the conditions that aroused response, and often to expressive and adaptive behavior.'

DURING the Restoration and July Monarchy, factory workers and artisans formed fairly distinct groups. Their methods and places of work differed, obviously. Instead of the small shops and manually operated tools of the artisan, relatively large plants with relatively complex machinery surrounded the factory worker. More important, artisans, particularly in the cities, had far firmer traditions, including many traditions of mutual organization and protection, than did the factory workers. There were, to be sure, many artisans of peasant origin filling expanding cities such as Paris, but even the newcomers encountered a large nucleus of established artisans, accustomed to the city and to the work, who helped educate them in the ways of their new life. In contrast, factory workers for the most part had no traditions and no traditional elements to direct them when they entered a new plant, often fresh from the countryside. Their standards of living might differ little from those of urban artisans, but their behavior necessarily differed considerably. Among the many areas of activity where such differences prevailed was that of agitation and strikes. The simple fact was that most of the strike activity of the period, both in quantity and quality, was conducted by urban artisans. For very good reasons, most factory workers protested their lot collectively far less often and, usually, in different ways than did their brethren in the crafts. It is, then, misleading to discuss "the workers" in a study of labor movements in the early years of French industrialization. Such a discussion obscures the bases of the agitation that did take place, and, equally important, it prevents an understanding of the conditions that would later allow the development of strike activity among factory workers. This essay concentrates on sectors of manufacturing labor directly affected by mechanization. By implication it shows many of the factors separating these workers from the urban artisans. It does not, however, discuss the labor movement as a whole because such a single movement really did not exist. The experience of artisans