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This paper analyzes the power to make regulations conferred to the Spanish General Council of the Judiciary from the first of its Organic Laws to the present. To do so, we examine the laws that have regulated this issue over the years, since 1980 until the last most important reform, the Organic Law 4/2013, the regulations approved by the General Council of the Judiciary and the judgments handed down by the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Constitutional Court's manifestations of self-restraint, that is, those areas in which, within the margin granted by the Constitution and the law, the Court has shown deference to the actions of the judicial bodies, seeking to draw the perimeter that is proper to its actions. There are some cases in which, if we speak of self-restraint, it would be in an improper sense because deference to the ordinary jurisdiction is a normative requirement of the Constitutional Court Act (LOTC). In other areas, which we could call self-restraint proper, the self-limitation is expressed in constructions of the Constitutional Court itself, without prejudice to the fact that they are ultimately anchored in the position that the Constitution reserves for the Constitutional Court, the ordinary jurisdiction, and the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper´s aim is to analyze the recent reform of the process of selection and appointment of judges of the Supreme Court of Canada. After analyzing the constitutional nature of the institution, it covers aspects such as its composition and eligibility, including the role of the federal Parliament. Following this, the system of selection and appointment is studied with a special focus on how it can channel the participation of Quebec, achieving one of the traditional demands of that province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high degree of politicization, the lack of transparency and the absence of minimum standards in relation to the quality of the judges selected for supranational courts are the most common reproaches in this kind of selective procedures. It is not unreasonable to conjecture that behind these suitability problems may be the disproportionate presence of soft law or non binding norms in this type of cooptative process. The present article analyzes, on the one hand, the «soft» normative acquis that governs these processes, in particular, that contemplated for the selection of judges for the ECHR and, on the other, the litigious consequences that the recalcitrant observance of these norms entails, with the recent Supreme Court Decision of May 31, 2017, which the Government considered violated by Article 14 CE by establishing in the Agreement establishing guidelines for the preparation of a shortlist of candidates for the election of Head Judge of the ECHR discrimination by age lacking coverage in the international instrument to which it refers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catalan Parliament approved in 2014 a Popular Enquiry Act. Previously, in 2013, they had approved a Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to decide of the people of Catalonia. Based on these documents, the President of the regional Government called to a «non-referendum popular enquiry about the political future of Catalonia», which would be held on November 9, 2014. It did not get to celebrate because the Constitutional Court ordered its suspension, as the central Government had impugned the Act, the Declaration and the Decree calling for the enquiry. The regional Government, an association and two people thought those impugnations were an intrusion on the Catalans' rights and went before the Supreme Court. This paper studies the reply of the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This articles analyses the leadership function of the main lead judges of the United Kingdom. As the author points out, this leadership reveals itself within the management of the Court itself, the influence in the case-law and in the role of some judges as statepersons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The case is somewhat Bildu a break with the doctrine that the Constitutional Court has constructed about the outlawing of political parties. The control of political parties in the process of proclamation of candidates, the value of the condemnation of terrorism and the role to be played to the High Court in monitoring the decisions of the Supreme Court, are in part a new meaning in the controversial decision the Constitutional Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this study es the treatment that the Spanish Constitution of 1812 gives the jurisdiction in Chapter V, the longest one in the Constitution. This is preceded by a detailed analysis of how Spanish libreralism planned to implant an independent judiciary power within a state of rights, sometimes taking the initiative in a tentative reforms facing our monarchas in the XVII century and builing the toundations in the Cortes de Cadiz after establishing through those same courts the so called «provisional Regulation» for the judiciary power, which together with the abolition of torture and the paring down of criminal causes preceded the passing of this Chapter V. Indeed in this topic, the Cadiz Constitution of 1812 would have an impact in subsequent Spanish constitutionalism as well as that of other nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]