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This article affirms that the different management forms of State-owned enterprises do not correspond to different epochs but can coexist, on the contrary, not only in the same historical period, but also under the same government. Indeed, the State can be the total owner, a majority shareholder and a minority shareholder in different companies during the same government, having in each case more or less resources to intervene in markets and to exclude private actors from business decision-making processes. I will analyze three cases of State-owned enterprise management during Kirchnerist governments in Argentina: AySA in 2006 (State as full owner), YPF in 2012 (State as majority shareholder) and Siderar in 2011 (State as minority shareholder) following the hypothesis that each of these management forms was selected by the government depending on the circumstantial objectives that it had to face: rates freezing in the case of AySA, curbing the outflow of foreign currency in the case of YPF, and rent-seeking in the case of Siderar. This analysis will be carried out with a comparative political economy approach and following the theory-building process tracing method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last twenty years of the Argentinian political context have been strongly characterized by two concepts, considered dichotomic: populism and republicanism. Thus, the administrations or presidents identified as populists found themselves on the opposite side of the protection of institutions; and, the same happened vice versa: those identified as republicans were classified as enemies of the popular. Néstor Kirchner's speeches have long been associated to the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Nevertheless, in the present research, we aim to question ourselves regarding the dialogue and the continuity the first kirchnerist administration keeps with regard to two distinctive concepts of the republican tradition, such as the common good and the moral values and/or the morality. On the one hand, we are interested in understanding the bonds Kirchner establishes with these concepts; and, on the other hand, in observing how he engages in a dialogue with the uses and interpretations made about these notions by other political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work tries to trace an interpretive look on the conformation and updating of the anti-Peronist / Kirchnerist discourse in the intellectuals identified in progressivism during the Cristina Fernández governments. It is interesting to approach these texts, which belong to recognized intellectual references, to capture the nodal points of a discourse that disputes hegemony in the conformation of a story about our history and our future. The hypothesis that we maintain is that in these materials there is a reflected thought that transcends media immediacy and it is therefore essential to deepen this line. In turn, these texts are the starting point for numerous interpretations that will cross different media, that is, they are constituted as a social interpretation powerhouse. Thinking progressivism as a broad space in dispute composed of figures that come from different backgrounds is important to understand the anti- Peronist update in an anti-Kirchnerist key. For this work we will take La audacia y el cálculo, by Beatriz Sarlo (2011); El simulacro, by Alejandro Katz (2013); Las huellas del rencor, by Santiago Kovadloff (2015); and Argentinismos, by Martín Caparrós (2011). In methodological terms, the work is based on a political analysis of the discourse from a post-foundational methodological theoretical perspective, based on a corpus based on political books of various ideological referents of the anti-Peronist camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the speeches of the Argentine President Alberto Fernández between the months of March to June 2020 in relation to the management of the Covid-19 pandemic. The hypothesis of this essay suggests that in Fernández's Euclidean attempts to close or avoid "la grieta" between Kirchnerism and Macrism, he appeals to the use of antinomies that collaterally revive the identity tension that has been open in Argentine politics since 2008, although taking an ambivalent position. For this reason, the emphasis will be placed on the contrast and coincidence that the president proposes in two antinomies: the "porteños" and the "interior", on the one hand, and the world of the closed and open quarantine on the other. Methodologically, a qualitative approach will be used, as well as analysis techniques derived from data-based theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The kirchnerist years had in Argentina a fundamental characteristic: the conflict that the governments of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner had with the mass media. This article makes a theoretical proposal to understand this phenomenon: these governments promoted a "controlled communication model" that was familiar to other communication policies that were deployed at the beginnings of the 21st Century across the Latin American continent. Meanwhile, the media responded by installing a "model of binary journalism", which accentuated the conflict between the government and the media up to the point to determine the entire political life of this country. The objective of this article is to describe and explain the characteristics of these two models, and then to analyze the dispute between governments and the media during the kirchnerist years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frente para la Victoria, the political force that governs Argentina since 2003 to today, arose as a political force in 1998 in the Santa Cruz province, from the creation of the motto "Frente para la Victoria Santacruceña". The tenure of Néstor Kirchner in the Río Gallegos (capital of the province) intendancy is usually pointed as the main precedent in the making of said motto. This article goes further back to showcase the political experience of the main political leaders from the organization in question in Ateneo Juan Domingo Perón between 1981 and 1987, before entering the municipal state structure. In contrast with previous studies which estate that parties are shape in the locus of state structures, this article demonstrates how the core political conceptions of kichnerism about how it must operate and build it self into an organization, the features of its political identity -its militant character- and its pragmatic political ideology have an origin before its experience of state management. The sources for this writing were semi-structured interviews, magazines and local newspapers, diaries of parliamentary sessions, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the constitution of the Kirchnerist political identity during the government of Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007). The hypothesis that guides this research shows that in the period 2003-2007 Kirchnerist identity was constituted in at least three aspects: I) developed a caesura respect to an ignominious past linked to the last civic-military dictatorship and the decade of the nineties, also identifying the "corporations" as its main antagonist; II) forming the image of the "people" by the interpellation to the citizens and the "losers" of the neoliberal reforms of the nineties; III) appealed to festivities and celebrations typical of the Peronist tradition, in line with the vicissitudes of the political situation. He also sought to incorporate into its forming political structure the Partido Justicialista (PJ), the Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) and the Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA), in order to acquire political power. The analysis will be based on selected Kirchner's speeches during his presidency, useful newspaper articles to understand the current political situation and finally relevant theoretical literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the kirchnerist hegemony from its initial configuration process, during the government of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007), noting its central and lasting features. Addressing this political construction means exploring the project which started to unfold at a national level since 2003, implying to analyze the formation of Kirchnerism as a political culture, that is instituted from a particular reformulation of Peronism, in whose tradition it is inscribed, defining the character of the ideological and cultural lead as well as its political direction. Thus, we ask: what are the main factors in which kirchnerist hegemony is founded? We start, from a Gramscian perspective, to perform a characterization of the 2001 crisis, in order to show the relevance that this crisis had in the emergence of Kirchnerism and to take account for the various suture strategies developed, analyzing the identity construction in the antagonism field. In this way, we analyze the kirchnerist ideological-cultural matrix, exploring presidential discourse, through the definition of the adversary and the main components of the political and economic project of government, the formation of the political force and its hegemonic strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]