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Studies of micro-level violence make various claims to universality: namely, that there are patterns of violence in civil wars that are observable across time and space. The analysis of rebel violence against civilians constitutes one of the enduring themes of these studies. By evaluating the actions of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during the latter half of the Colombian civil war, this paper demonstrates that the claims of micro-level studies are unable to account for FARC's violence against civilians. In response, this study provides an alternative framework for understanding FARC's violence. Informed by the theories of Carl von Clausewitz it is possible to comprehend the logic of FARC's violence against civilians within a strategic framework that aimed to advance the movement's political goals. However, it also illustrates that FARC was influenced heavily by its involvement in the drugs trade. The main findings are a) that whilst FARC's acts of violence may have contained similarities to that of other drugs cartels FARC did not become a narco-guerrilla organization, b) the case of FARC demonstrates that ultimately there are no reproducible patterns in war, micro-level or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil conflict in Colombia has gained attention in part for the inclusion of women in rebel forces and peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Scholarship has often explained the FARC's decision to mobilize women as both an ideological and tactical move, designed to increase the ranks of the organization and signal commitment to leftist principles. In this paper, I argue that the incorporation of women into Colombia's civil war is better understood by viewing the country's various leftist armed movements (including the ELN, EPL, and M-19) through a comparative framework. By applying the theoretical concept of outbidding, I argue that the mobilization and expansion of women's roles in Colombian armed groups was in fact an intersubjective process, driven by competition among leftist movements existing in a crowded marketplace. In contrast to alternative explanations that focus on mobilization as an elite-driven process, I argue that the outbidding dynamic exposes agency among women recruited to these groups and demonstrates the potential for women to create strategic openings in times of conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2016 peace deal between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) faces several challenges concerning its implementation. This study explores the beliefs and attitudes of citizens from the Colombian Caribbean coast vis-à-vis the 2016 peace agreement as well as the first steps in its implementation in 2017 identifying barriers that are likely to undermine support for long-term peace. We detect a tendency to maintain beliefs and attitudes that hinder the de-escalation of the conflict and fuel mistrust, mostly linked to the weaponization of the peace process in a polarized political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the Islamic State organization on the Syrian war scene has raised the role of amphetamines, and in particular the drug Captagon, in explaining the military performance and the savagery of its militants. This phenomenon has received extensive coverage in the international media. We review the evidence for it relying on available public sources in the context of a historical understanding of the use of stimulants in warfare and the Islamic position on psychoactive substances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the endurance of Sinai's insurgency despite its limited military capacity and resources, and the overwhelming man- and fire-power of the incumbent's regular and tribal forces. After reviewing the literature on how insurgents beat or survive strong incumbents, the article offers a short overview of historical developments and socio-political causes leading to the rise of Sinai Province and its military build-up. It then analyses, qualitatively and quantitatively, how Sinai Province fight, based on its original documents and releases as well as on interviews with individuals who fought against it. Finally, the article concludes with an explanation of why did the insurgency survive and, at times, expanded based on the quality of its military tactics. It also provides policy implications, as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between armed rebels and local civilians is among the least understood aspects of insurgency. This article posits a novel theory, the rebels' resource curse, to argue that the interaction between rebel groups and local communities can be traced to the availability of revenue-generating resources. The theory is developed using a case study comparison approach to critically analyze how access to revenue-generating resources among the Naxalites in India and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) in Colombia affect these insurgent-civilian interactions. The theory proposes that insurgents face a resource curse similar to that faced by states. Rather than resource wealth contributing to greater social engagement and fruitful insurgent-civilian interactions, it appears to precipitate isolationist, and even exploitative and violent relations between insurgents and local civilian populations. Conversely, resource scarcity predicts a greater degree of social integration and cohesion between civilians and insurgents. The framework of the rebels' resource curse can also be applied productively to other insurgent groups, enhancing our understanding of the social realities of insurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interviews conducted with leaders, combatants, witnesses, and victims in central Nigeria provide insight into the processes of volunteerism, recruitment, and indoctrination within armed groups. Identified are numerous avenues by which previously nonviolent citizens become willing perpetrators in deadly grass-roots conflict. Despite a commonly advertised motive for joining, narrative analyses reveal several diverse and underlying motivations. Six distinct combatant typologies are described: the Follower, the Pragmatist, the Criminal, the Soldier, the Basic Needs, and the Ideologue. The characteristics of each type, the timing of their entry into the conflict, and the implication for select intervention strategies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines the efficacy of various strategies of dissuading state support for terrorism. Libya represents the principle case study employed to test the impact of military force, unilateral economic sanctions, and multilateral economic sanctions against states which provide support to international terrorist organizations. The frequency of Libyan-supported terrorist attacks declined after the application, in 1986, of U.S. unilateral economic sanctions and military force against the regime of Muammar Qaddafi. However, these measures were unable to reduce the lethality of Libyan-supported terrorism, as the number of individuals killed by Libyan terrorism escalated substantially in the years following American airstrikes and sanctions. After the application of multilateral sanctions in 1992, however, Libya essentially dismantled its terrorist support program. In the decade since the imposition of UN sanctions on Libya, the Qaddafi regime has not been linked to a single attack against Americans. The significant economic and political pressures generated by the broadly multilateral sanctions appear to have induced Libya's departure from the ranks of terrorism sponsors.­ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the existing literature on Algeria's civil conflict recognizes the role of religious and ethnic violence in the crisis, it does not sufficiently explain the various reasons behind it. The main aim of this article is to fill in this gap to some extent by examining the main factors determining the emergence of armed religious and ethnic groups in this country. The basic conclusion to emerge from the analysis is that, although such factors as the closure of the country's political space, state repression, and the growth of atavistic sentiments remain important in explaining Algeria's religious and ethnic violence, economic collapse, religious spending, and diversionary politics are variables that should not be ignored when addressing the sources and sustainability of such violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last thirty years the Irish republican movement—composed of the IRA and Sinn Fein—has resorted to armed struggle as part of its strategy against British power in Northern Ireland. The cease-fire announced by the terrorist group in 1994 and the peace process that followed has signaled a historic shift in the strategic thinking of republicans. The emergence of dissident groups that reject the politicization of the movement and advocate the maintenance of the military campaign has highlighted the challenges the republican leadership faces after their acceptance of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. This article explores all of these issues and the importance of the armed struggle in the shifting republican mentality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on military intervention when there is a conflict or humanitarian disaster so as to maintain peace and security. "Something must be done," is a phrase attributed to Edward VIII, when visiting South Wales during the depression before he became King. It is a sentiment often expressed in modern times when confronted with scenes of human anguish. The United Nations (UN) has responsibility for international peace, security and humanitarian work. This article looks into the proper employment of military forces in peace operations undertaken by the UN. Since the end of the Cold War the circumstances in which intervention by military forces has been deemed appropriate have multiplied, and having reached an apogee, diminished again. Military intervention is a serious matter. Increasingly, armed forces are being used in the service of a wider sense of international order. The international community's objective has to be a political solution to the underlying problem that has given rise to the conflict or humanitarian disaster. The broad objective of any intervention by outside armed forces must be clearly stated. Perhaps the most tricky judgment to be made is on the vital question of whether the intervention will meet with success.

Netwar, an emerging mode of conflict engaged in by networked, mostly nonstate actors is associated most with social activism (e.g., the Zapatistas), terror (e.g., bin Laden's Al Qaeda) and crime (e.g., the Asian triads). However, netwar can also manifest itself in highly militarized settings, particularly in the context of ethnonationalist conflict. The recent war in Chechnya provides a good example of how netwar can be used in extremely violent ways to confront and overcome the much larger conventional forces of nation-states. In this conflict, a network of clan-based Chechen fighters, organized in closely internetted small fighting cells, was able to defeat a valorous, but still-hierarchical, balky Russian army in the field. This case is also analytically important because the Chechens employed a wide range of netwar-oriented activities, from social activism to terror and strategic crime in order to complement their military netwar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is urbanizing rapidly, yet Western military forces have yet to come to terms with the peculiar demands of urban warfare. The harsh urban environment, particularly in the developing world, is an ideal arena for "asymmetrical" adversaries seeking to neutralize the technological, logistical, and organizational advantages currently enjoyed by modern military forces. After examining some of the security implications of urbanization, this article explores three recent representative examples of urban warfare: Beirut (1982), Mogadishu (1993), and Grozny (1994-1995), In each case study, the organization, equipment, and training of the forces involved are examined, and conclusions are drawn about what types of military systems, munitions, and force structure were effective, and why. The final section of the article draws together lessons from these case studies and from other accounts of urban battles in an effort to understand what is needed to improve military performance in this environment. The author concludes that greater effectiveness will require changes in organization and equipment; more important, it will also require a change in a military organizational culture that has largely ignored the challenge of fighting an asymmetrical adversary on urban terrain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the changing nature of U.S.-Indian defense relations during the past decade. Specifically, it covers the motivations, manner, and ,manifestations of the qualitative and quantitative expansion of military cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the policy and perceptual changes that facilitated defense cooperation and the mechanisms developed to implement the mutually agreed upon goal. Finally, the potential remaining obstacles to close U.S. -Indian defense ties are noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]