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In narratives around insurgencies, terrorism, and other forms of political violence, the media—and policymakers—frequently portray women as victims or unintelligent pawns of men. But these violent women get more media attention than their male counterparts because they are a shocking departure from gendered expectations of nurturing, peaceful women. However, even such narratives of deviance can reinforce societal stereotypes about women by emphasizing that they are emotional but not political, easily manipulated, often deranged, or simply unintelligent. Using in-depth interviews in Ireland and the United Kingdom with practitioners in counter terrorism (CT) and countering violent extremism (CVE), this paper argues that a failure to ask meaningful questions about women's roles in extremist violence has reinforced gender stereotypes, leading to disengagement and deradicalization practices that ignore or downplay women's importance in fostering violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of the Gamaa Islamiya can be understood by analyzing it against Argyris and Schön's double-loop learning model. This paper bases the analysis on five books published by the Gamaa Islamiya, which include comprehensive elaborations on internal reflections and criticism of Al-Qaeda. While the Gamaa Islamiya's learning can be framed with the model of double-loop learning, Al-Qaeda's reactions can be depicted as a less evolved single-loop learning system. This case is relevant for the discovery of key mechanisms of de-radicalization that could be used as a blueprint for other groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of micro-level violence make various claims to universality: namely, that there are patterns of violence in civil wars that are observable across time and space. The analysis of rebel violence against civilians constitutes one of the enduring themes of these studies. By evaluating the actions of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during the latter half of the Colombian civil war, this paper demonstrates that the claims of micro-level studies are unable to account for FARC's violence against civilians. In response, this study provides an alternative framework for understanding FARC's violence. Informed by the theories of Carl von Clausewitz it is possible to comprehend the logic of FARC's violence against civilians within a strategic framework that aimed to advance the movement's political goals. However, it also illustrates that FARC was influenced heavily by its involvement in the drugs trade. The main findings are a) that whilst FARC's acts of violence may have contained similarities to that of other drugs cartels FARC did not become a narco-guerrilla organization, b) the case of FARC demonstrates that ultimately there are no reproducible patterns in war, micro-level or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Armed non-state actors, such as Hezbollah and Hamas, are visibly engaged in providing social welfare in addition to participating in violence. A number of scholars have suggested that there is a relationship between service provision by terrorist organizations and support from service recipients, and have indicated that terrorist organizations use service provision strategically for this purpose. However, few studies have examined the experiences and opinions of service recipients themselves to understand if services do indeed influence populations' political loyalties and opinions regarding violent activities. Using data from more than 1,000 low to moderate income individuals in Palestine, this study seeks to understand if and how receiving services from a specific organization engenders loyalty to the organization, passive acceptance and/or favorable approval of the organizations' violent activities, and the likelihood of participation in the organization's violent activities. This paper explores if and how provision of aid and “governance” services by armed non-state actors is correlated with various aspects of individuals' experiences of conflict, such as their opinions about the use of violence and various strategies for attaining peace, their fellow community members' likelihood to join armed groups and engage in fighting, and their preferences regarding state structure and legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin struck Israelis with shock and horror. The realization that their leader has been gunned down in the heart of Tel Aviv by a Jewish zealot was overwhelming. The vexing question, "How could such an atrocity occur in the seeming bastion of democracy in the Middle East?" left Israelis bewildered and disillusioned. This paper attempts to answer this question by indicating the conditions and circumstances that enabled the assassination. It presents a counterculture of messianism at the core of religious Zionism, which has matured into a formidable force waiting to erupt. Drawing on insights from studies of political violence in general and religiously motivated violence in particular, the paper concludes that a violence tendency tandem (VP) fosters and encourages religious violence in Israel, from the vigilante activities of the settlers' Gush Emunim to the assassination of Rabin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]