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India's foreign policy, as in the case of any other sovereign state, aims at protecting and promoting the country's 'national interest.' Strategic autonomy, which has been its defining value and goal, remains at the core of India's global engagements. India maintains political, diplomatic, economic, strategic, science and technological, and cultural relations to achieve a stable, secure, peaceful, and prosperous India. The largest 'democracy' in the world, India, joins hands with the EU, the largest cluster of 'democracies' in the world. This article provides a chronology of India–EU interactions from the inception and intent to explore their strategic partnership. It examines India–EU strategic partnership significance, and differences, and highlights whether the strategic partnership 'strategized' enough or not. India and the EU are two quite exceptional entities in the world; thus, their strategic partnership is really a 'true strategic alliance'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security has been a major driving force of India's neighbourhood policy. India's sympathies with democratic forces and its aversion to extra-regional presence are all geared to optimise its security interest, which is ensconced in its principal belief of a stable neighbourhood while engaging in a mutually beneficial relationship. Within this broad framework, this paper attempts to study Bangladesh's reaction to these parameters of India's neighbourhood policy. The paper argues that some Bangladeshi perceptions are shaped by regimes and vested interests, who perceived India as the ideological 'other'. While engaging across the political spectrum, India therefore needs to pursue policies that connect it with the people of Bangladesh and are beyond partisan politics determined by regime interests. Relationship with foreign countries is a very intricate and very difficult business dealing with the psychology of human beings, the psychology of nations, involving consideration of their background and culture, language and so on. (Jawaharlal Nehru) India seeks to build a new future with Bangladesh. The time has come to chart a new path. We are ready to pursue a bold Vision for our relations, based on mutual respect and benefit. (Manmohan Singh, January 2010) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Lahore, in 1999, Pakistan dropped its 'Kashmir first' approach and agreed to discuss it with India along with other issues. Later, under Musharraf, there was an offer to move beyond UN resolutions and adopt a four-step approach to resolve the Kashmir issue. Musharraf's proposals were taken seriously and widely hailed as a sign of flexibility and pragmatism from the Pakistani side. This paper critically analyses these approaches since Lahore and argues that they were occasioned by the changing global political context and that they were more apparent than real. At the official level, there is hardly any departure from the core stance of Pakistan on Kashmir. The civilian government in Pakistan today has retained the process of dialogue initiated by Musharraf but is yet to spell out its approach to Kashmir. The paper argues that even if there is a realization that the policy of subversion and militancy has backfired, the temptation to retain jihadis as the last option will continue to play havoc with the process of dialogue aimed at finding a solution to Kashmir in the days to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian culture and civilization embodies a unique blend of peace and conflict trajectories. This historical legacy has indubitably moulded the course of our policy and action. However, there are aspects which are queried and contested. For instance, how do we reconcile the ambiguities and opposing claims on peacefulness in Indian lineage? The paper reflects afresh on some of these lingering contestations and decodes the historical transferences in the subcontinental thinking and popular imagination. The paper argues that despite admitting contrary ideas and practices. India in course developed an intrinsic stake in advocating peace--an image that resonates in India's contemporary policy statements and also when it is censured for disowning it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an endeavour to appraise the importance and 'value' of India-US defence exercises for Indian policy makers. It examines their dividends, costs, and pitfalls. The paper argues that such combined exercises are not only useful in functional terms but are also necessary. While such exercises are invariably embedded in inter-state relations and grand-strategic issues, in this case the paper confines itself to operational and military-strategic issues. Furthermore, notwithstanding America's own objectives in these exercises, the study examines the benefits and costs to India in absolute, rather than in relative terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formation of the India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum signals a new phase in South-South cooperation. This paper argues that the IBSA represents the partnership of three like-minded democratic countries, predominant in their respective regions, with some common agenda for the future. The paper argues that the IBSA partnership is still in its formative years and the best is yet to come. There is a need for intense consultation and communication to fructify the goals of IBSA. The paper suggests that the IBSA partners need to build on the successes achieved to date and recognize the fact that there will be significant challenges along the way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is today an increasing acceptance of the concept of defence outsourcing of non-core logistic functions. Outsourcing frees commanders to focus on their primary task and saves resources. The paper attempts a holistic treatment of the subject from conceptual concerns to related practical issues. A brief scan of defence outsourcing the world over leads us to examine benefits that accrue and the precautions that should be taken. The paper goes on to analyse types of functions that can be safely outsourced and suggests a methodology for the entire process. Finally, the paper suggests a well-calibrated phased approach for India with progressive reviews and improvements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to make a preliminary assessment of the surrender and rehabilitation policy being adopted towards Naxalites. The examples/experiences cited in this paper refer largely to cadres and leaders of Communist Party of India (Maoist), or CPI (Maoist). It is part of a multi-pronged conflict management and resolution strategy and is required to be implemented along with firm action by police against those who follow the path of violence. This article argues that (a) the various affected states should evince interest to obtain surrenders; (b) put in place a robust surrender and rehabilitation policy, preferably at the national level; (c) secure surrenders on a case-by-case basis; (d) intensify security operations; and (e) policy implementation should be effective and closely monitored. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article comments on the recent developments in the strategic relations among India and Australia. It argues that economic incentives and strategic calculations have forced Australia to get closer to India. It states that the decision of Australia to supply yellowcake to India, and expand its bilateral naval cooperation can be seen as the efforts made by the country to strengthen the strategic relation.

While the maritime doctrine was published by the Indian navy in 2004 and improved upon in 2007, the core interests identified were as seen through the prism of the navy. The national maritime interests of India are distinctly different from the ones identified by the Indian navy and need to be analysed to understand the nuances and the dimensions of such interests so as to promote India's maritime power potential. The paper seeks to identify these core maritime interests and suggests a synergised approach for bringing all the stakeholders under a common umbrella to provide the necessary impetus for nation building and to provide leverages when required. Such a process would enhance India's national status as a maritime power of eminence in this century of the seas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses the shifting preferences of Bhutan towards the foreign policy determinants. Three determinants (national security, political culture and economic engagement) have been studied as they play a significant role in shaping Bhutan's policy behaviour. These determinants have been analysed with respect to India, Nepal and China, three countries that have been of critical interest to Bhutan's foreign policy. The main argument of the paper is that when security threats are high or medium, protecting territorial integrity, sovereignty and political culture shapes Bhutan's foreign policy and, alternatively, when security threats are low, economic opportunities determine Bhutan's foreign policy choices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the different narratives on the 'Madhes' identity, and situates this discourse in the ethno-linguistic mosaic of the Terai region as well as the larger Nepali political scenario, by identifying the reasons for their increasing assertiveness in politics. The paper argues that exploitation and discrimination by the upper-caste Pahadi migrant communities (especially during the monarchy period) and the Nepali state has played an important role in the consolidation of the Madhesi identity. While the mainstream Madhes parties have adopted a soft stand on the issue, the armed groups are demanding outright 'independence'. Of late, the Madhesi movement has suffered because of differences (over objectives as well as methods) between various Madhes groups. The fragmentation of the movement has also dragged India into controversy. Both Pahadi and Madhesi groups are critical of the role played by India and this is likely to affect India's security and economic interests in Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the questions on the security framework an Indian decision-maker must operate and the specific policy restraints affecting Indian decision-making in terms of Indian nuclear policy. It tries to refine some points raised by K. Subrahmanyam in his paper "Options for India," through some propositions including the concept of security, American literature on security and trend of international security debate. It suggests that the link between security and politics provides the context where agreements between nation states are examined.

Migration, a worldwide phenomenon, has often been seen as beneficial for both the sending and receiving countries. However, post-9/11, the phenomenon is seen as a mixed blessing. It is also being realised that it is impossible to check illegal migration unless the sending country cooperates. In South Asia, India has been at the receiving end of the problem of illegal immigration from Bangladesh. This paper argues that such illegal migration is posing a threat to internal security because the issue has not been properly securitised. Migrants seem to have successfully bypassed legal hurdles, which has kept certain territories out of reach even for Indian nationals. If Bangladesh's internal politics and economic deprivation are major factors for this state of affairs, then permissiveness towards illegal immigration in Indian political circles is also responsible. The largely lenient political class has been prompted to take a close look at the issue as an increasing number of Bangladeshis have of late been found to be involved in terror activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Northeast, strategically important yet economically underdeveloped, has been witnessing spurts of road building activities since independence. The need to establish connection with the rest of India following partition, the Chinese aggression, economic development, and trans-border connectivity are some of the main drivers which have been impelling the central government to construct roads in the region since independence. However, impediments such as terrain and climatic conditions, insurgency, and mismanagement of resources have also put brakes on the development of the road network in the region. The paper identifies the drivers and brakes, which have fashioned the evolution of the road network in the region and suggests some measures to overcome the hurdles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improved India-Vietnam relations are guided both by their common historical experiences and their mutual concerns in the post-cold war context. Both have suffered aggression from China in the past and had good relations with the former Soviet Union. In fact, India was the only noncommunist country to recognize the unified Vietnam and, ever since, they have had a friendly relationship, one that has stood the test of time. However, in the post-cold war context the shadow of China looms large for this relationship. As India's 'Look East' policy matures, New Delhi is now seeking to engage countries in the Chinese periphery. The changing geostrategic dynamics have also forced Vietnam to forge greater strategic cooperation with India. This paper argues that India has to identified potential additional areas of cooperation and proactively engage Vietnam to further strengthen this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 9/11 attacks on the American homeland, India and Pakistan emerged as important states in the US-led Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The gathering momentum in the lndo-US relations during the Clinton Presidency underwent a dramatic transformation. Although increased cooperation in defence issues is understood to have 'led' the India-US relationship to its current level, it has not culminated in enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation. This perceived lack of cooperation can be located within the perceptual differences on key security issues. This paper seeks to examine whether the upswing in lndo-US relations and claims of heightened cooperation, has led to a commensurate level of counter-terrorism cooperation between both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manipur has witnessed a rise in insurgency-related violence in recent years. Ordinary people are caught in the crossfire between different ethnic insurgent groups and the security forces. This paper examines the ceasefire in neighbouring Nagaland and argues that a similar ceasefire with better monitoring and enforcement could usher in relative peace in Manipur. Since the agreement on suspension of operations with Kuki insurgents is already in force and there is relative calm in Naga areas, an offer of a ceasefire to all groups is likely to bring down violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Nepal border is an open border, which has facilitated close social, cultural, and economic exchanges and led to a special relationship between the two countries. However, in recent times, the increasing mis-use of the borders by terrorists, political activists, anti-social elements, etc. has led to the demand for the closure of the border from the Indian side. The paper posits that a closed border is not beneficial for both the countries as the social and political costs involved in such a border are immense. Therefore, the paper suggests the "middle path" of a regulated open border should be adopted as a policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being a non-NPT state with advanced nuclear capability, India's contributions to the non-proliferation movement have often been scrutinized. India was for long treated as part of the 'proliferation problem'. Since the 1998 tests, there is a steady process of integrating India with the international nuclear community. However, India is reluctant to assimilate with many of the US-promoted counter-proliferation initiatives though it has largely adopted the normative standards of the NPT system. This paper analyses India's rendezvous with the non-proliferation regime and examines the likely direction of India's approach towards anti-proliferation after the July 2005 India-US nuclear cooperation agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's influence in South Asia has significantly grown over the years, and in particular Bangladeshi-Chinese relations are now robust and very comprehensive. This is in contrast to Bangladeshi-Indian relations, which are extremely uneven. While the latter are substantial and not totally negative, in comparison to Bangladeshi-Chinese relations they are riddled with controversies. How does one explain this contrast, especially when China lacks the historic-cultural advantages and linkages that India has with Bangladesh? The paper attempts to delineate the contrasting Bangladeshi perceptions vis-á-vis India and China and their underlying rationale and how the growing Bangladeshi-Chinese relations impact India's security as well as its bilateral engagement with Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's efforts to build 'nodes' of influence in the Indian Ocean Region have been increasingly discernible in recent years. This endeavour, many argue, is driven by Beijing's military-strategic ends. However, such an argument remains a speculation, backed by frail and somewhat disjointed evidence. At least in the public domain, it may be too early to marshal tangible evidence to prove or dismiss the hypothesis. An assessment is nonetheless crucial because notwithstanding China's legitimate interests in the Indian Ocean, its naval presence in these waters would bear strongly upon the security calculi of India in particular and those of other major powers. From the study of available information, this paper attempts to derive China's objectives in the Indian Ocean, its approach and the attendant security ramifications for India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, it is necessary for India to respond to the current crisis of the NPT and weigh its options vis-à-vis the Treaty. This paper is an attempt to explore answers to the question of what ought to be India's policy in the light of the new nuclear reality. It analyses three policy options that India could pursue and concludes that India must strive to join the NPT as a nuclear weapon country, because joining the non-proliferation regime by evading the NPT is likely to prove costly and is also unlikely to remove destabilizing irritants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has become a major component of India's national security thinking and policy as its economy has begun to record high rates of growth. The criticality of ensuring access to foreign oil and gas resources will only increase with time as the gap between its demand and its domestic production widens. Furthermore, India's dependence on the seas is particularly overwhelming for its energy 'logistics' in terms of both its domestic supplies and overseas imports. With the worsening of the maritime security scenario in the oceans around Asia in recent years, as a result of low-intensity threats added to the persisting military insecurities, it becomes exigent to appraise the risk to India's vital energy supplies. This paper assesses the dominant aspects of maritime security that relate to India's energy security. Besides discussing likely military threats, the study also deals with aspects such as shipping and infrastructure capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States have over the decades proved to be dependable partners in India's energy security. However, the energy transition necessitates examining its impact on the India-GCC energy partnership. Will India-GCC energy partnership last the transition from hydrocarbons to renewables? What will be its medium- and long-term impact? Can hydrogen replace hydrocarbons as the vehicle for India-GCC energy cooperation? This article answers some of these questions based on a systematic study of innovation in the field of hydrogen as a fuel, India's National Green Hydrogen Mission and the growing investments in capacity building in hydrogen production in the GCC States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With France's support to the Indian vision of 'Atmanirbhar Bharat', defence industrialization and joint development, India and France have expanded their strategic security relations significantly. Such developments point towards convergence in matters of regional and global consequence. The first part of the article examines the historical background of military ties as well as cooperation on non-traditional security threats. The second part attempts to examine the evolving France–India relations in the wake of Chinese aggression along with their engagement in the Indo-Pacific region. The concluding third part extrapolates the findings on to the future to study the challenges to their partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of colonialism normally focusses on the socio-economic losses of colonies, and the benefits of metropoles are a much less-studied field. Our study indicates that the flow of resources, rent and personal wealth should not be downplayed as factors of economic growth in the key Empires, although information on most subjects is limited. This importance could be demonstrated (although not fully quantitatively evaluated) by India–United Kingdom relations before 1913. We highlight the key channels of this influence (trade, investment and migration), and the persistence of the income gaps between the dominant and dependent countries until their independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Going by the economic growth patterns of China, India, Japan, South Korea and ASEAN countries with corresponding decline in the Western economic heft, it was often claimed that the 21st century will be the Asian Century. This might be in doubt due to the pandemic and geopolitical contestation between China and the US, where new faultlines are being drawn. Moreover, India and China being in a potential conflict zone, the dream of the Asian Century might have receded even further. But Asianism, given its intrinsic strength, has gone through its own evolution over the centuries, as the major Asian civilizations and cultures have interacted often seamlessly and occasionally competed with one another. Assimilation has often been the result. Ancient is intrinsic to the Asian thought, philosophy, and existence. Harmony with nature and a share-and-care attitude have been the hallmarks of the quest for eternal peace and co-existence. Yet, political Asianism has occasionally witnessed conflicts and wars in the name of supremacy and superiority which was hardly the real essence of the Asiatic value systems. The battle between the West and East accentuated them through the 19th and 20th centuries and the First and Second World Wars. The Western system moved forward, as Japan was defeated but eventually became part of the Western alliance system. India became independent and avoided the Cold War with the global governance architecture by virtue of her ancient mystical heritage and knowledge, new-found democratic credentials, a moral and principled stance reflected through her non-aligned approaches and pragmatic emphasis on peace and development for one-sixth of humanity, thereby leading the newly-independent developing countries from Asia to Africa, from the clutches of colonialism. This has provided India with an authoritative international voice of reason. And this is what will combine her software, powered by the civilizational heritage and universality of her cultural ethos, to enhance and extend her soft power appeal which is the subtext of her very existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that India and Australia have a significant role to play amidst China's expanding maritime footprint in the Indian Ocean and growing influence in the South China Sea. With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China, both New Delhi and Canberra have been deepening their connections, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic. The article explores China as a key point of interest in India–Australia maritime cooperation and concludes that India–Australia ties have opened up the possibilities for expanding the arc of India's strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores the European Union's (EU) strategic partnerships with China and India. Topics discussed include the objectives of EU under its strategic partnership with China in 2003, the importance of the timing of the EU-China partnership, the trade and investment agreement between EU and India, an increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) to Europe since 2008 and China and India's bilateral relations with individual member states of the EU.

This article analyses the hydro-political behaviour of riparian countries in the Mekong River Basin (MRB) vis-à-vis India's attitude towards the Brahmaputra and upstream China. It analyses transboundary water cooperation in the MRB and the active participation of the stakeholders and then compares it with the Brahmaputra River Basin (BRB). It argues that the water management practices in the MRB are comparatively more 'effective' while the BRB is receding in this regard. It analyses various aspects of promoting the North East Region (NER) as a paradiplomatic agent in the BRB in a way Yunnan is performing in the MRB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The calculations were performed for a 1 per cent linear cut of customs duties (2017 data) for product categories that use four-digit HS Codes, which cover approximately 80 per cent of bilateral trade between Russia and India. At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum in 2017, the Minister for Trade of the Eurasian Economic Commission, Veronika Nikishina and India's Minister of State of Commerce and Industry, Nirmala Sitharaman met to sign a joint statement on the start of negotiations on a free trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and India. [Extracted from the article]

Territorial disputes between India and Pakistan got a new dimension with the release of a new political map by the latter on 4 August 2020, apparently in response to India's move to administratively reorganize the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Widely described as 'cartographic aggression' against India, the new map lays claim over many parts of India. The article traces the historicity of map-making as a nation-building project for Pakistan and seeks to decipher the strategic objectives behind this move. The article argues that this cartographic aggression is essentially an expression of its longstanding territorial desires against India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese territorial claim on the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh has negatively affected India-China relations for many decades now. In recent years, China has become visibly aggressive with regard to its territorial claim by denying visas to Indians from Arunachal Pradesh travelling to China, claiming that they are Chinese citizens and hence do not require visas. China also tried to block ADB aid sought by India for the state. The article argues that the recent Chinese aggressiveness is a response to India's rising power status in the Asian regional order; a space that China covets as its own sphere of influence. Hence, China is engaging in balancing against India through territorial aggression and military prowess that privileges power projection against peer competitors. India's counter strategy needs to factor Chinese intentions and not to 'under balance' against the Chinese threat in Arunachal Pradesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the history of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) in India. Former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Alain Enthoven advised the Ministry of Defence in 1964 to set a captive research institution based on the model of RAND Corp. But then Chief of staff General J. N. Chaudhuri supported the advice of Institute of Strategic Studies (ISS) director Alistair Buchan to use its model. Shri Chavan was the president of its first executive council while Major-General Som Dutt was the first IDSA director.

The international community inside and outside the Conference of Disarmament is underscoring the need for concluding a fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT). The Indian government, for a long period, has been sponsoring the idea. Notwithstanding the international stagnation, the issue has been instigating periodic debate in India on the Indian approach. The periodic revival of the issue requires that India revisit its policy on fissile material production as well as its approach towards a possible FMCT. This article examines the question: should India's approach to conclude an FMCT be within the UN institutional framework? The new international reality is pushing for a new context, new realignments and a fresh outlook for an FMCT. India should take its own time to support conclusion of an FMCT so that its national interests and security are not adversely affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terrorist act of September 11, 2001, brought a revolutionary change in the international security paradigm. As the countries tried to adjust to the new security environment, the war against terror brought war closer to south Asia. Pakistan emerged as the frontline state in this war yet again and its foreign policy towards its two important neighbours, India and Afghanistan, underwent a strategic shift. It was quick to disown the Taliban. Its dilemmas were perceptible when it was confronted with flue issue of dealing with terrorism in Kashmir. With international pressure mounting, Pakistan brought in some shift in its Kashmir policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's interest in Sudan has grown significantly in recent years. This is reflected in India's increased trade and investments in Sudan. Two factors that have generated such interest and encouraged Indian engagement are the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in January 2005 and the soaring economy. However, delay in the implementation of the peace deal and conflict in western and eastern Sudan pose serious challenges to the huge Indian interest. This paper examines India's role and interest in the context of the ongoing crisis in Sudan. It argues that lack of democracy and good governance has perpetuated the conflict and made peace unsustainable. Prolongation of such a situation is not in India's interest given its economic and energy stakes in Sudan. A prudent and proactive role on the part of India is necessary in order to address Sudan's concerns and challenges and thereby advance its growing interests in Sudan and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's role in the liberation war is often seen through the geopolitical prism. Its response to developments in East Pakistan was complex and evolved over a period of time. Before taking recourse to military action, India exhausted its diplomatic initiatives to draw the attention of the international community to the refugee crisis which arose due to the Pakistan Army-perpetuated genocide – a term first used by India in the Parliament Resolution of 31 March. This article focusses on the debates in the Indian Parliament on the 'crisis in East Bengal' that ranged from making budgetary provisions for ten million refugees to building pressure on the Indian government to recognise Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1971's geostrategic significance for the Indian subcontinent rivals that of 1947 when British India was divided into India and Pakistan. While the roots of Bangladesh's secession from Pakistan lay firmly within the Pakistani polity, India's political support for the Bangladesh freedom movement and its military intervention were crucial for the liberation of Bangladesh. The Indian campaign for the liberation of Bangladesh was brilliantly conceived and deftly executed. Although humanitarian considerations, especially the influx of ten million refugees into India, played a role the major factors determining the decision to intervene militarily in the Bangladesh crisis were political and strategic in character. This article analyzes these factors as well as the decision-making process that led to India midwifing the birth of Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landmark virtual summit between Prime Ministers Narendra Modi and Scott Morrison in June 2020 led to ties being upgraded to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Australia's High Commissioner to India alluded to the four D's—Democracy, Defence, Diaspora, Dosti (friendship), with increased focus on Defence. In the India–Australia partnership, the emphasis is on maritime security cooperation, Quad 2.0, the Malabar exercises as well as cyber security and intelligence cooperation. The bilateral Mutual Logistics Support Agreement, and growing influence of China in the Indian and Pacific Oceans provide necessary impetus for the relationship to grow. The article outlines reasons for the growing bilateral relationship and the possible future trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations completed 75 years of its existence in 2020. The last 75 years have been a roller coaster ride for this global institution mandated to maintain peace. However, the UN has received widespread criticism for not reforming its various institutions, particularly the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). The G-4 nations which includes India, have led the call for accelerating the long-awaited reform process. This article analyses the history of the UNSC reform process with a particular focus on India's attempts to become a permanent member to achieve its global ambitions, as well as the major hurdles along the way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to explain India's contrasting strategic choices with regard to China-led initiatives in South Asia. While India chose to join the AIIB, it has opposed the BRI. While the India–China relationship has been defined by the security dilemma for long, China's involvement in the region makes the security dimension even more salient. More so, because infrastructure connectivity projects change the existing relations of power and influence. It is argued here that India's choice to join the AIIB can be explained by its inclusive and transparent governance structures that help decouple China's strategic intentions from the projects funded by the Bank. In contrast, the BRI does not have inclusiveness and transparency, which stokes India's security concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to trace the surveying and mapping of China during the 252-year period, prior to 1960 in order to connect it with the evolution of the Sino-Indian boundary. What emerges is that the Manchu was dependent on foreigners for the first modern maps of China made to scale with longitude/latitude lines. Through these maps no territorial claim against India had been made. During the Republican period two non-official privately published maps (1920 and 1933) emerged with an identically redrawn Sino-Indian boundary alignment not supported by the alignment depicted either on the inherited Manchu maps or the official maps of that period. Reference to a third unpublished secret official map (1918) stated to having a similar boundary alignment surfaced forty-two years later. No evidence is forthcoming to suggest and corroborate that surveys had preceded the preparation of these maps. They appear to be the handiwork of an Anglophobic Swedish explorer with an axe to grind against Britain and India. The PRC's maps are not based on official maps inherited by it but on the non-official privately published map (1933). The first dedicated surveying institution in China was established only in 1956. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is a prominent arena in international politics, in terms of trade, tourism, population, among other aspects. Several countries, some unconnected geographically, have shown interest in these waters. These entities offer financial, technical, infrastructural and capacity-building support, and security services to several IOR countries. India, the prominent resident power of this ocean, and others, consider this development unnecessary, uncalled for and unacceptable. This article discusses the possible reasons for provocative behaviour by these disparate forces and offers five alternate models for a cogent maritime security paradigm in the IOR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What led to the Sino-Indian militarized confrontations in 1959? I argue that Hindi-Chini Bhai-Bhai became a victim of changed perceptions in China. As long as China's external and internal environment was relatively secure, India was seen as a potential ally, and Sino-Indian relations thrived. As external and internal pressures on China mounted, India's behaviour vis-à-vis the Dalai Lama's flight from China and the territorial dispute was perceived by China as reactionary. This change in perceptions prevented Beijing from adopting a conciliatory approach to India's claims and eventually led to the 1962 border war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As influential actors in the regional security architecture, India and Vietnam share common political and security interests and their bilateral cooperation plays a crucial role in contributing towards shaping a safe and secure Indo-Pacific region. Both the countries share an identical value perspective on the Indo-Pacific and hence augmenting their strength in the regional order would facilitate maritime security, reviewing opportunities and challenges in the region, as well as building an equitable and open trade and investment system. Reinforcing and extending cooperation to other countries helps to realise shared objectives and contributes towards better management of pressing regional and global issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The value of India's oil and gas trade with the United States rapidly increased in size over the last two to three years. Efforts by New Delhi to build better bilateral relations with Washington helped to energise the fossil fuel trade. India, as a consumer, can expect to buy oil and gas at reasonable prices in the mid-term, ensured not least by competition among suppliers. However, India's import of coal from the US suppliers is projected to decline due to recent decision of the Indian Government to become self-sufficient in coal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northeast India continues to be an industrially underdeveloped and infrastructurally deficient region. The poor condition of infrastructure in the region demands serious attention. Studies in the region reveal that a people's perspective of development, i.e., roads, electricity, telecommunications and water, falls rightly within the ambit of critical infrastructure. Critical infrastructure is directly linked to economic development, national security, access and availability of educational and health infrastructure. This article foregrounds the need to alter the framework of the infrastructure development policy and maybe set up a Northeast Infrastructure Mission (NIM) with an aim for engaged governance to deepen critical infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The upgrading of Vietnam–India relations from partnership (2003) to strategic partnership (2007) and a comprehensive strategic partnership (2016) is not merely the result of India's Look/Act East Policy. It also reflects Vietnam's high appreciation of the Indian factor in its foreign policy since the Southeast Asian country promoted multilateralism and diversification in its international relations. The article analyses the importance of India in Vietnam's foreign policy since its reform by examining its relations with India in fields of strategic politics, security, and defence which were guidelined in important political documents of Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]