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A paper discerning whether and to what extent the object and purpose of the World Trade Organizaation - to deepen international trade- affects lesser developed territories.

The main purpose of the present study is to examine either globalization affects economic growth or not in Pakistan. Time series data has collected from Pakistan covering the time from 1990- 2013. A time-series Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model is used to establish the long run and the short run relationship between globalization and economic growth. Error Correction Model (ECM) is also used to check the short-run and long-run relationships among the globalization and economic growth. To determine the directional relationship, the Granger Causality test is being employed. To check the stability of the model CUSUM and CUSUMQ tests employed. The conclusions of this study showed a significantly negative association between Economic Globalization and Economic Growth. On the other hand, there is a significantly positive association between Political Globalization and Economic Growth. While the relationship between Social Globalization and Economic Growth has founded a significantly positive. However, our research paper provides simultaneous valuable information for policymakers to remove the red tape barriers and focus on one window operation.

Policy recommendations for building resilient and all-inclusive societies post COVID-19 pandemic continue to dominate the media and research landscapes. However, rigorous empirical content backing such claims, particularly, on both poverty and income inequality, is hard to find. Motivated by the bleak outlook of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, as driven primarily by the floundering hydrocarbon sector, vulnerable employment, and low foreign direct investment, we analyse the poverty and income inequality effects of globalisation and resource allocation in the region. Using data from the World Bank’s Poverty and Equity Database for the period 1990–2019, we provide estimates robust to several econometric techniques the pooled least square, fixed effect, random effect, and the system generalized method of moments estimators to show that: (1) while economic globalisation reduces both poverty and income inequality, social globalisation matters only for income inequality in MENA; (2) economic globalisation is remarkable in reducing income inequality through resource allocation. Policy recommendations are provided in the light of the geopolitical fragility and rise in social globalisation of the region.

The trade war between the United States (U.S.) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has attracted much attention. However, bilateral U.S.-China relations occur against the broader backdrop of the U.S.’s deglobalization and the advent of Chinese economic globalization. As China has emerged as the second largest capital-exporter in the world, the analysis must attune to how China is influencing legal development outside of China, particularly in developing countries. Whereas scholars have examined China’s use of trade and investment law, inadequate attention has been paid to how the PRC grapples with the domestic law of host states. As the PRC seeks to protect its investments abroad, it is confronted with questions of law and development, yet there is little understanding of China’s approach or what it means for host states and global governance. This Article seeks to fill that gap. “Chinese law and development” (CLD) consists of transnational law, some of which builds on legal infrastructures from the U.S. and some of which is Chinese, along with extralegal and nonlegal norms. These normative orders mitigate risk as a precondition to promoting China’s interests overseas. Drawing on three years of fieldwork and nearly 150 interviews in China and in host states, this Article presents the first empirical study of CLD to articulate an analytical theory to understand this phenomenon. In assessing CLD, I query whether CLD is good for developing states, and identify a research agenda for the study of the legal and regulatory dimensions of Chinese economic globalization.

China has emerged as a champion of economic globalization, particularly through building global supply chains, financing overseas infrastructure and energy projects, and exporting labour to developing countries throughout the world. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), announced in 2013, is a keystone in China’s economic globalization. The BRI emphasizes connectivity: policy, infrastructure, trade, financial, and ‘people-to-people’. Despite the broad significance of Chinese economic globalization, its legal dimensions are still poorly understood. China, Law and Development (CLD) is an international and multi-disciplinary research project that aims to study the legal and regulatory aspects of this stage of globalization. This symposium is comprised of articles by CLD research associates who investigate various questions, including labour rights, skilled migration facilitation, investment review, multilateralism, and patronage and clientelism. This article introduces the symposium, and it does so through the example of China’s role in global health governance. The outbreak of the novel coronavirus (Covid-19) epidemic in late 2019 in China, which has since become a worldwide pandemic, has obstructed BRI connectivity through delinking global supply chains, blocking labour migration, freezing markets, and exacerbating Sinophobia. In response, China has sought to lead an effort in improving global health governance through participation in international organizations and strengthening its bilateral ties through health aid and technology export. The coronavirus pandemic may offer the Chinese an opportunity to lead a more circumscribed re-globalization, although China faces significant challenges.

Economic globalization and population growth have greatly challenged energy, water and land resources to meet demand at national and supra-national level. A growing share of this demand is met through trade. The Belt and Road, a major global initiative of China, with trade as one of its core fields is of particular importance due to greater potential of economic growth, substantial population size and varying degree of resource availability. The initiative reflects a new phase of globalization yet resources management with nexus thinking has received little attention. The increasing economic interdependence of national economies have contributed to rise in production and trade of goods and services, these activities require the input of energy-water-land and generate disturbances in the environment. The multi-regional input-output approach is utilized, to assess resources use by production as well as consumption (for the year 2010). A nexus strength indicator was developed to show the simultaneous use of multiple resources in economic system, conceived as resource nexus. The ternary diagrams were used for screening resources combinations along with concentration.Results revealed that China has strong nexus strength that indicates large usage of the three resources together. Besides China, the East European countries were also positioned mostly at the center of ternary plot suggesting somewhat equal contributions of energy, water and land to the resource nexus. On the contrary, countries that appeared at the margins of the plot indicated one or two stronger nexus components in the three resources system. For instance, Russia largely used land, South Korea was entirely driven by energy while India mostly used water in the ternary mix. Due to differences in industrial structure, trade policy priorities and technology use, the resource nexus matters are not the same among countries. The nexus strength indicator established that strong nexus caused by intensive use of energy, water and land results in low efficiency, which threatens resource security. With this approach, it is possible to evaluate the characteristics and behavior of economies relating to energy, water and land resource flows. As such the study is intended to serve as a reference work for policymakers and researchers primarily those working in Belt and Road countries that can build on to conduct more detailed nexus assessments in future to achieve sustainability.

Capitalist globalization is a project of market dogmatism founded on the Darwinist social philosophy of ‘survival of the fittest’. In the political economy of the world with unequal nations and imperfect competition, it is a suspect of deceptive game for the developing countries. This paper is an attempt to analyze the wisdom of Malaysia’s guided economic globalization strategy using the technique of log-linear pooled ordinary least square regression and related macroeconomic time series data for the period 1982-2016. The empirical results suggest that Malaysia’s guided globalization strategy has been found successful in achieving most of its national macroeconomic goals. But in terms of international economic competitiveness the success has been only modest, its per capita income ratios with its two most important trading and development partners - USA and Japan - are found decreasing steadily having a catching up phenomenon along the path of income convergence. However, its per capita income gaps with them in absolute term are found still large and widening to suggest that developing countries must pursue globalization very cautiously and selectively.

International Labour Organization(ILO) was created in 1919 and is the only League of Nations institution to survive World War II. It is also the only international organization that is not purely intergovernmental in its governance structure. Unions and employer group representatives are part of each country’s delegation and have the same right to vote as government representatives at Governing Body meetings and at the International Labour Conference, where delegates make policy in plenary sessions. Thanks to the debate over labor standards and globalization, however, from the year 1998, the ILO has received more attention, political support, and resources than ever before. The organization has responded with new initiatives and a tougher attitude toward countries that violate standards. In 1998, the ILO approved a “Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work”, which provided a consensus definition of the four core labor standards that have become the centerpiece of the global standards movement. In 2002, it established a World Commission on the Social Dimensions of Globalization to explore ways to make economic globalization more inclusive. ILO has demonstrated remarkable ability to adapt to changing conditions throughout its long history. Today, the ILO must once again respond to evolving circumstances and find new ways to engage state and private actors participating in an interconnected global economy where labour standards continue to be violated and where work itself is undergoing significant transformations. Globalization, the deepening integration of local and national activities into the global economy, and modes of thinking shifting away from the national level towards regional and global levels, presented a new set of policy problems and priorities and increased pressure on the ILO’s foundational structure to adapt. The extent to which the ILO has met those challenges as well as its role in contemporary global governance has been questioned. Some observers are of the opinion that the Organization is increasingly at the margins of influence of global economic governance. Critiques of the ILO focuses on its declining standard setting role, low ratification rates of its conventions, perceived non-representativeness, overambitious mandate and restrictive decision-making processes. Recent decades have also seen the emergence of new and diverse governance arrangements and actors outside ILO structures that are also addressing, or potentially undermining, the protection of worker rights. This paper highlights some of the important issues on the above subject.

After consulting the relevant scientific literature and the reports of international institutions, the authors trace the environmental and social causes behind the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, describing its impacts and suggesting some routes to a sustainable recovery. The starting point is the finding that the world is experiencing a sustainability crisis. Sustainability can be said to “always rings twice”: the first “ring” is an alert of its absence, which probably determined the explosion of the pandemic crisis (and its consequences and impacts), while the second “ring” is presenting an opportunity to change the current development model. To fully understand the pandemic’s origins, the links between the scientific knowledge on the origin of the virus and the holistic visions for sustainable development must be assessed, to focus on the causes (and not on the symptoms) of the pandemic, which the scientific community had widely predicted. The loss of biodiversity, population trends and the direct and indirect consequences of climate change have deeply affected the balance of ecosystems and attacked the natural “buffer” that separated humans from animal species that are reservoir hosts of viruses. These causes found fertile ground in the great human mobility of 21st century economic globalisation and in the environmental and social conditions in some of the world’s heavily industrialised areas. This set of conditions, combined with a general short-circuiting of border controls between countries, allowed the epidemic to evolve into a pandemic and become more lethal in the process. What we are currently experiencing is unfortunately the mother of all the negative externalities associated with a social and economic development model that has become unsustainable. The last part of the article outlines the main elements for a sustainable recovery that is coherent with the majority of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations. They are grouped in strategic directions and many are now widely shared.

This paper explores how international trade flows contribute to democracy and shows that countries' trade partners define the nature of this relationship: higher volumes of trade with democracies are conducive to democracy, while higher trade levels with autocracies undermine it. Moreover, the effects of trade are uneven and are pronounced only for 49 states (34% of the sample). Results also indicate that trade with democracies does not sufficiently influence democratic transitions but rather helps already established democracies to endure. The "autocratic trade", on the opposite, undermines democratic survival, and it also reduces the probability of transition from partial democracies. Therefore, trade only partially supports democratic promotion when it is, indeed, a source of authoritarian promotion and consolidation. These findings are robust to accounting for autocorrelation, checking sensitivity of model specifications and acknowledging that democracy is measured with error. Finally, Instrumental Variable estimation, using predicted trade volumes from the Gravity Equation, shows that these effects are also causal.

By the end of the twentieth century, the then-dominant literature on “law and finance” assumed that concentrated ownership was a product of deficient legal systems that did not sufficiently protect outside investors. At the same time, commentators posited that the competitive pressures of economic globalization would push countries around the world to adopt an efficient regime of strong investor protection, which was thought to facilitate ownership dispersion. Nevertheless, at the dawn of the 2020s, ownership concentration not only persists, but appears to be on the rise among the world’s largest companies. This symposium essay in honor of Ronald Gilson explores what went wrong with the original predictions from two decades ago and the resulting lessons for corporate governance analysis. It shows that the focus on agency costs that dominated the earlier literature overlooked the fact that corporate governance structures are both (i) influenced by factors beyond tradeoffs in agency costs (such as non-pecuniary private benefits of control and nationalism), and (ii) affect social welfare in ways other than through their effects on investor protection. The essay then reflects on the emerging challenges to what I call the “modularity approach” to corporate law scholarship, and contemporary law-and-economic analysis more generally, which stipulates that each area of law should serve one key efficiency objective.

This study assesses the relationship between globalisation and the economic participation of women (EPW) in 47 Sub-Saharan African countries for the period 1990-2013. EPW is measured with the female labour force participation and employment rates. The empirical evidence is based on Panel-corrected Standard Errors and Fixed Effects regressions. The findings show that the positive effect of the overall globalisation index on EPW is dampened by its political component and driven by its economic and social components, with a higher positive magnitude from the former or economic globalisation. For the most part, the findings are robust to the control for several structural and institutional characteristics. An extended analysis by unbundling globalisation shows that the positive incidence of social globalisation is driven by information flow (compared to personal contact and cultural proximity) while the positive effect of economic globalisation is driven by actual flows (relative to restrictions). Policy implications are discussed with some emphasis on how to elevate women’s social status and potentially reduce their victimisation to male dominance.

The debate over globalisation has intensified over the past decade. Recognition that globalisation comes with grave risks has garnered political support for regionalism as a strategy to build economic and financial resilience. This study is the first attempt to develop a new composite index of globalisation building on the separate contributions of intraregional and extraregional integration. The study also uses the new index to evaluate empirically the possible effects of globalisation on economic growth and income inequality. The index comprises 25 indicators that represent the key socioeconomic components of global integration. Principal component analysis is used to weight each component and construct an aggregate measure. The results show that although globalisation promotes economic growth, it may worsen income inequality. High‐income countries benefit most in that the positive effect of globalisation on economic growth is strongest among them than on other income groups, and they experience a less‐pronounced widening of income inequality. Between the two drivers of global economic integration, intraregional integration is far more important than extraregional integration. The analysis also shows extraregional integration turns out to be mainly responsible for the rise in income inequality that has accompanied globalisation.

Globalization is the main engine of the today’s economic and social universe. It has emerged with the promise of a more livable, more prosperous, richer and more developed world by providing the accumulation of capital. However, contrary to the general beliefs, accumulation of capital is not enough to ensure and increase in well-being and quality of life. It is not a sign of human development alone and there are different social and economic dimensions of human development. Thus, it is important to understand the relationship between different economic indicators and human development and welfare. In this context, this study aims to find out the effect of FDI, import, export, which are commonly associated indicators in economic globalization, and corruption on human development for developing countries in the existing literature.

Economic globalization brings forms of global governance. Multilateral economic institutions, such as the IMF and the WTO, emerged as mechanisms of regulation of international markets. Countries decide to abide by the rules emanated from transnational institutions in order to tackle externalities derived from otherwise unregulated market transactions in international trade and finance. For developing countries, the adoption of rules from the abovementioned institutions may enhance institutional learning, hence, contributing to economic development. Contrary to what occurred with trade and finance, there was no headway on a global institutional framework to regulate international competition. Yet, global firm strategies in the area of production and services may have effects on international and domestic competition, for example: cartels with transboundary effects, agreements to exclude foreign competitors, abuse of dominant positions, mergers between companies in different countries, vertical markets integration in regional trade blocks, among others. There is a trend toward “globalization anticompetitive practices”. This paper discusses this apparent contradiction, that is: the rise of antitrust aspects in the global economy not matched by an international institutional response. First, it discusses some stylized facts regarding the relation between economic globalization and competition, focusing on trade issues. Second, it identifies theoretical foundations of trade and competition policies, emphasizing the political economy of antidumping, a policy in which trade and competition intersect. Antidumping policy and international cartels are examples. The third section suggests that, despite the lack of formal international regimes, there has been institutional convergence in competition policies among countries; based on “order without formal law” and “competition advocacy”.

Recent micro-level studies have suggested that globalization—in particular, economic globalization and trade with China—breeds political polarization and populism. This study examines whether or not those results generalize by examining the country-level association between vote shares for European populist parties and economic globalization. Using data on vote shares for 267 right-wing and left-wing populist parties in 33 European countries during 1980–2017, and globalization data from the KOF institute, we find no evidence of a positive association between (economic or other types of) globalization and populism. EU membership is associated with a 4–6-percentage-point larger vote share for right-wing populist parties.

Consumers are often skeptical about purchasing foreign products and many voters are resistant to economic globalization. To better understand the factors underlying these trends, we consider consumers’ intuitive understanding of international trade. We find that consumers are intuitive mercantilists — they equate wealth with currency, resulting in a number of biased beliefs relative to economists’ prescriptions. Consumers believe that exports are beneficial while imports are harmful and, therefore, immoral (Study 1). These beliefs can be greatly reduced by framing transactions in a way that emphasizes the equality of currency flows across countries, but not by other frames which emphasize the efficiency of international trade (Study 2). These mercantilist beliefs also infect consumers’ own willingness to purchase foreign products, particularly from developing countries, because consumers incorporate the moral cost of imports into their willingness-to-pay (Study 3). These results have implications both for marketers of foreign products and for policymakers who wish to capture the economic benefits of trade.

Economic globalization has spurred the growth of international cooperation between companies. This paper analyzes partnerships between foreign and domestic firms as a source of signaling advantages. When partnerships affect the products offered, it is not possible to isolate this signaling impact. Virtual codesharing is an important type of marketing partnership in aviation that does not change the product and hence provides the opportunity to identify the direct impact of partnerships on consumer valuation of the partnered products. Roughly 75 per cent of the flights in trans-Atlantic and Pacific markets involves codesharing. Typically, the consumer buys the ticket with the domestic airline, while a foreign airline operates the flight. Analyzing individual-level choice data from a representative panel of Australian air travelers, we find that the average consumer is willing to a pay a premium between 4 and 5.5% of the ticket price when a flight by a foreign carrier is codeshared with the national carrier Qantas. When flying to a less familiar destination, risk averse consumers are willing to pay a premium about two times higher than non-risk averse consumers, suggesting that partnerships have a strong impact on consumer valuation through quality signaling.

The rise of state capitalism in the field of investment catches the eyes of western countries. The South is actively participating in and embrace economic globalisation while the North is getting stuck and facing frictions. Protectionist stances towards trade and immigration have resulted in more restrictive views of inbound foreign investment in the North. The South sees China becoming an important capital exporter. The EU and US have taken efforts to response to the changing order and issues bring about by foreign investment, especially those conducted by Chinese state-owned investors in sensitive areas. The issues of national security or public interests, lack of reciprocity are frequently expressed by the EU and US towards China investment. This paper therefore compares and discusses the current actions and policies (unilateral, bilateral) adopted by the EU and US that aim to tackle foreign investment. It analyses the issues of Chinese sovereign investment and implications of the EU and US’s attitudes and policies on China’s domestic actions. It further explores the similarities and differences between the EU and US’s approaches, suggests important elements and principles that should be considered into policy-making and are more likely to be accepted by China.

How can Europe remain true to its values in the face of outside economic forces? In today’s multipolar world economy, the EU’s founding values are not necessarily shared or enforced by many of its important global trading partners. Other economic systems, such as ‘State capitalism’, ‘anarcho-capitalism’ or ‘crony capitalism’, which may be indifferent to the values enumerated in Article 2 TEU, make their presence felt through transnational interactions. Even where such values are shared, they may be differently enforced. Economic interactions may in fact encourage a ‘race to the bottom’ of the levels of enforcement. Both between and within nations (and within the EU itself), the dialectic between the enforcement of fundamental values and economic globalization means that those values are increasingly at risk of being undermined. This paper explores how individual rights (collectively, IRs)—chiefly fundamental or human rights, but also social and environmental rights—can be rendered enforceable on the international plane indirectly via multinational enterprises as agents of globalization. This approach stands in contrast with the existing paradigm of international economic law of placing the (sole) burden of IR compliance on State actors. The paper asks how a coordinated system of inward and outward IR investment screening and authorization can ensure that global investment flows are made conditional upon the observance of IRs. It is posited that IR screening would provide transparency and a legal remedy concerning the respect for fundamental societal values protected under existing international instruments, but which currently lack effective remedies of enforcement.

Evidence that local exposure to Chinese import competition favors right-wing parties has often been attributed to the success of economic nationalism. We advance an alternative account. Trade shocks catalyze cultural backlash, which drives support for conservative candidates, as they compete electorally by targeting out-groups. We test this hypothesis in the 2008-2016 U.S. Presidential elections. First, a quantitative text analysis of campaign speeches shows that Republican candidates moved from support of free trade to protectionism, but they consistently assumed harsher stances on immigration and minority inclusion. Second, using individual-level survey data, we provide evidence that Chinese import shocks drive negative attitudes towards immigrants and minorities. Opinions about free trade are not affected. Finally, a causal mediation analysis highlights that attitudes towards out-groups mediate the effect of localized trade shocks on voting behavior. Altogether, these results point to the role played by trade-induced cultural backlash in shaping political outcomes in the U.S.

Populism may seem like it has come out of nowhere, but it has been on the rise for a while. I argue that economic history and economic theory both provide ample grounds for anticipating that advanced stages of economic globalization would produce a political backlash. While the backlash may have been predictable, the specific form it took was less so. I distinguish between left-wing and right-wing variants of populism, which differ with respect to the societal cleavages that populist politicians highlight. The first has been predominant in Latin America, and the second in Europe. I argue that these different reactions are related to the relative salience of different types of globalization shocks.

How does economic globalization influence individuals’ welfare attitudes? We part ways with the literature whose focus has been on identifying the losers and exploring whether and to what extent they demand government compensation. By intersecting two dimensions of globalization perceptions – (1) winners and losers and (2) national and individual effects –, we propose four types of citizens: collective winner, lone winner, lone loser, and collective loser. We argue that the typology allows us to systematically explore how economic globalization provokes three widely-discussed, distinctive motives behind welfare demand: insurance-seeking, equality-seeking as well as compensation-seeking. We examine our theoretical expectations with the case of South Korea, where we survey social spending preferences under different hypothetical scenarios of fiscal constraint and recipient targeting. We find consistent support for the insurance-seeking motive: lone winners who see potential risks of economic globalization are most likely to support welfare spending as an attempt to insure against the vagaries ex-ante. Our findings have implications for the direction of welfare state development under globalization.

This paper examines whether social expenditure cushions the effect of globalization on within-country inequality, and whether this relationship varies across OECD and non-OECD countries. Using several measures of social protection from OECD and the World Bank, we analyze separately the role of education, health, and welfare expenditure. The results confirm previous findings that economic globalization — especially trade flows — associates with higher income inequality, while social expenditure sometimes seems to reduce inequality. We find no evidence that various kinds of social protection expenditure moderate the adverse effect of globalization on inequality.

This study assesses the relationship between globalisation and the economic participation of women (EPW) in 47 Sub-Saharan African countries for the period 1990-2013. Two indicators are used to measure EPW, namely, the: female labour force participation and employment rates. The empirical evidence is based on Panel-corrected Standard Errors and Fixed Effects regressions. The findings show that the positive effect of the overall globalisation index on EPW is dampened by its political component and driven by its economic and social components, with a higher positive magnitude from the former or economic globalisation. For the most part, the findings are robust to the control for several structural and institutional characteristics: varying conditioning information sets, changes in the growth of urban population, government consumption, legal systems, resource wealth, health, technological advancement, political strife and conflicts, income levels and levels of industrialisation. An extended analysis by unbundling globalisation shows that the positive incidence of social globalisation is driven by information flow (compared to personal contact and cultural proximity) while the positive effect of economic globalisation is driven by actual flows (relative to restrictions). Policy implications are discussed.

Globalization has significantly changed the composition and structure of emerging economies, which has in turn reallocated factors across various economic activities. In this context, we examine the sources of labor reallocation or structural change, and measures and empirically evaluates the contribution of structural change to labor productivity growth (LPG) by controlling for indicators of economic globalization and types of human capital. We also evaluate the relative contributions of human and physical capital to LPG. We found that changing final demand is the most crucial factor in labor reallocation in India. In the PRC, this and changes in technology are factors of labor allocation. The regression analysis confirmed that structural change, globalization, and human capital significantly contribute to LPG. Due to its prevailing structure, India is capable of leading global economic growth in the future, provided that certain necessary policies on human capital development, outward-oriented policies, and other conducive economic reform measures are taken.

Due to intensified economic globalization, cross-country linkages have become the channel through which country-specific shocks may affect financial conditions and macroeconomic variables across borders. Since financial crises of 1990s, crisis propogation has become a contentious issue. Especially after the recent global financial crisis, contagion has attracted considerable attention both from the academia and policymakers. This survey investigates recent model-based approaches on contagion in international finance literature.

Mainstream legal scholarship has paid much attention to clarifying the meaning of the right to development by placing a great deal of scrutiny primarily on obligations of states to the neglect of non-state actors, as if states are the only integral players in the global economy necessary for realizing the right to development. This entrepreneurship steered clear of assessing viability of the right’s founding vision of redressing institutional imbalances and unfairness of the global economic order. If the discourse took a global order reform trajectory, it would have injected thoughts on how accountability of international economic institutions and transnational corporations can be formulated in a way that bridges the disjuncture between human rights and economic globalization. This article argues that contemporary accountability practices underpinned by the state responsibility doctrine are ill-conceived and inadequate because they overplay the role of the state. Yet, the state is subordinated to the vested interests of unaccountable global capital which seed the global economy with numerous incidences of rights violations. Thus, the article recommends an expanded notion of accountability (answerability, responsibility, sanctions) detached from a state-centric conception of accountability, and which bears the potential of resolving the non-state actor accountability deficit in international law.

The dominant view in international political economy has relied too much on positivist research when it comes to identifying the correlation of human rights with globalization. Focusing on quantitative research, positivism has detached itself from human subjectivity and experience to produce knowledge only from data sets and recorded statistics. Previous studies in IR have dealt with the relation of human rights to globalization and its facets: multinational corporations, foreign aid, economic progress, democratization, trade liberalization, neoliberalism and foreign direct investment (Hafner-Burton, 2005; Meyer, 1996; Milner & Mukherjee, 2009; Smith, BolyardI Regilme, 2014a; Regilme, 2014b). Most of these scholars have adopted a positivist approach in testing the relationship between such factors to human rights, while Regilme (2014a, 2014b) adopted a more critical perspective. With the problems in the IR scholarship on human rights, some researchers have mostly failed to elucidate the ‘bigger’ conflict that is relative to globalization and human rights. The thesis of this paper would argue for a more critical, postcolonial approach and the use of qualitative methods to produce knowledge based on facts and evidence. The paper, furthermore, would argue that globalization has reinforced repression of human rights than guaranteed its protection. Following Ulrich Beck’s notion of ‘militaristic humanism’, I would argue that globalization has legitimized the power of hegemonic powers and multinational corporations over the Global South and established a moral imperative for imposing against the latter while disregarding the sovereignty of other nation-states and their purpose of promoting the universality of the basic notion for human rights which is the right to life.

Human rights, in the sphere of the international political economy, has been a widely contested area. The concept has been correlated with pertinent ideas such as globalization, development and trade liberalization. Knowledge produced varies among different theoretical perspectives, as most positivist literature would affirm the relationship between human rights and economic globalization while critical literature would dismiss such. In this review essay, the researcher aims to provide a detailed summary of different literature on the subjects. The paper also provides a constructive internal and external critique of the articles, providing each of its strengths and weaknesses. Lastly, the paper also offers a prescription for future research agenda.

Contemporary systems of production and distribution of goods and services are increasingly becoming incorporated into global value chains. This process has been strengthened since the end of the Cold War, as restrictions over communication, trade flows and finance have been diminishing by both technological improvements and the international political juncture. As a consequence, the so-called economic globalization is now intense. Therefore, the formation and expansion of global value chains and the liberalization typical of globalization are intertwined processes. In this regard, this article reviews the top literature on both globalization and global value chains in order to highlight the connections linking them. We discuss the polysemic nature of globalization, emphasizing that its economic meaning regards the very processes of trade and financial integration. We then explain the global value chains concept, highlighting its importance for economic development and how it relates to globalization. Furthermore, we discuss some policy implications of global value chains by bringing both concrete examples and academic appraisals.

We show that support for the Leave option in the Brexit referendum was systematically higher in regions hit harder by economic globalization. We focus on the shock of surging imports from China over the past three decades as a structural driver of divergence in economic performance across U.K. regions. An IV approach supports a causal interpretation of our finding. We claim that the effect is driven by the displacement determined by globalization in the absence of effective compensation of its losers. Neither overall stocks nor inflows of immigrants in a region are associated with higher support for the Leave option. A positive association only emerges when focusing on immigrants from EU accession countries. The analysis of individual data suggests that voters respond to the import shock in a sociotropic way, as individuals tend to react to the general economic situation of their region, regardless of their specific condition.

This paper discusses the fundamental tensions between economic globalization and democratic politics in the field of international trade governance. The move towards mega-regional trade agreements, as heralded by the controversies over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA), has greatly accentuated grievances and is therefore of exemplary importance in the realms of transnational governance. Based on the theoretical frameworks of Karl Polanyi and Dani Rodrik, we examine the decoupling of these agreements from national and democratic control and the resulting legitimacy impasses of transnational governance. Arguing that politics is not a mistake that gets in the way of markets, we submit our own conceptualization of transnational legitimacy. In doing so we suggest a new type of conflicts law which does not seek to overcome socio-economic and political diversity by some substantive transnational regime but responds to diversity with procedural safeguards, thus ensuring space for cooperative problem-solving and the search for fair compromises.

Although economic globalization has transformed contemporary conceptions of space, location still matters enormously for both individual entrepreneurs seeking to develop a sustainable business and policy makers looking to foster entrepreneurship within a particular city or region. In making the decision where to locate, what factors does an entrepreneur need to consider? What type of region offers a young firm most support in developing innovative products or services necessary to succeed today? And what capacities should government and policy makers be looking to develop in order to ensure that multiple startups decide to start operations in their particular region?This paper focuses on three “success conditions” that we believe are important in assisting entrepreneurs and governments in building successful startups and flourishing startup communities. First, it is important to understand the main risks facing startup ecosystems, notably skepticism, theatre and scaling. Second, the local character (or “Local DNA”) and path dependencies of a region are crucial. Finally, all startup communities need to develop strong links with resources that exist at a global level.

The starting point for this paper is the question whether international human rights law needs an extension of its scope of application in light of processes of (economic) globalization? This question is explored with reference to different dimensions of the right to health, the right to the enjoyment of the benefits of scientific progress (here after REBSP) and application to the issue of (the lack of) access to (essential) medicines. It is suggested that the notion of the extraterritorial scope of human rights law is needed to fill a normative and accountability gap that currently exists. We argue that filling this gap is necessary to deal with the challenges that processes of economic globalisation pose for the protection of human rights, especially of vulnerable members of society in developing countries. We raise the question how these people can benefit from the progress in science and technology in the area of health and medicines. The 2011 Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States in the Area Of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Maastricht Principles) provide for such a normative framework.

Attitudes towards international economic integration are usually measured via survey questions on preferences for free trade in general, arguably in contexts of low salience of international economic integration in the public mind. Drawing on three recent rounds of Eurobarometer surveys that contain information on citizens’ attitudes towards a free trade and investment agreement between the EU and the USA, this paper seizes the opportunity to re-examine individual-level preferences towards international economic integration with regard to a specific real-world case of relatively high political salience, i.e. TTIP. While past research has explained preferences towards trade primarily via models of economic self-interest and/or socio-cultural attitudes towards internationalization, my findings point to a more complex picture. In line with an economic perspective, perceptions of the economic benefits of economic globalization in general strongly predict support for TTIP. Yet, differences at the country-level in support for TTIP are hard to account for with economic explanations. Looking beyond the two familiar sets of explanations, I find that political orientations towards the European Union and the functioning of national democracy are strong and consistent predictors of individuals’ stances towards TTIP. Moreover, my findings suggest that TTIP divides individuals and societies with different issue and value priorities and that general attitudes towards the US in a country play a role.

This study assesses the effect of globalisation on governance in 51 African countries for the period 1996-2011. Ten bundled and unbundled governance indicators and four globalisation variables are used. The empirical evidence is based on Generalised Method of Moments. The following findings are established. First, on political governance, only social globalisation improves political stability while only economic globalisation does not increase voice & accountability and political governance. Second, with regard to economic governance: (i) only economic globalisation significantly promote regulation quality; (ii) social globalisation and general globalisation significantly advance government effectiveness and (iii) economic globalisation and general globalisation significantly promote economic governance. Third, as concerns institutional governance, whereas only social globalisation improves corruption-control, the effects of globalisation dynamics on the rule of law and institutional governance are not significant. Fourth, the impacts of social globalisation and general globalisation are positive on general governance. It follows that: (i) political governance is driven by voice and accountability compared to political stability; (ii) economic governance is promoted by both regulation quality and government effectiveness from specific globalisation angles and (iii) globalisation does not improve institutional governance for the most part. Theoretical contributions and policy implications are discussed.

This paper explains the legal and political dilemmas facing developing countries during the cold war period and contrasts them with the international position today. The first part, covering the period between the Bandung Conference and the adoption of the UN Resolutions on the New International Economic Order, shows how developing countries managed to come together and influence the development of international law. The second part, focusing on the outlines of the legal framework of economic globalization, identifies the main factors responsible for the demise of the Bandung spirit among developing countries. It focuses in particular on the legal strategies employed by developed countries to deepen the process of globalization and on the divisive consequences of global economic integration on developing countries.

This article examines Canada’s commitments under the procurement chapter of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) currently awaiting ratification by Canada and the European Union (EU). While the CETA’s procurement rules are substantively and procedurally similar to those of the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s Revised Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), Canada’s obligations under CETA penetrate deeply into procurement decisions at all levels of government, including notably those made by municipal entities and public bodies such as hospitals and universities. The CETA retains important exceptions which should preserve the rights of government to pursue some social goals in aid of small businesses and economically deprived areas. It also applies monetary thresholds which should help ensure that the agreement’s primary focus are contracts awarded to large multinationals. Despite these restrictions, CETA’s fostering of international competition in the previously insulated spheres of government may herald a new era of economic globalization.

Globalization is the phenomenon of improved integration of the world economy as evidenced by the growth of international trade. Modern colonization/re-colonization means capturing the territory via the utilization of capital and materials through the legal power without in fact showing a capture within the old sense. International law together with the use of force is utilized accordingly by the economic forces in establishing & legitimizing the re-colonization of the globe. Economic globalization takes as fact, that, in order to advance the welfare of human populations, the prescription is to require developing countries to fine-tune their economies along with the requirements of Euro-American MNEs by way of liberalizations of local markets.

This paper states the authors’ views on the realities and prospects of globalization as an economic, political and social category. In particular, there considered the development factors of globalization in the world economy such as innovation development, expansion of intergovernmental investment, international division of labor, international production, political relations, liberalization of foreign economic relations, privatization, scientific and technical processes etc. In conclusion, the authors give their forecasts for development of globalization processes which may be the priority in the future prospect.

The principal objective of this paper is to identify the double exposure impact in Dhaka city. Double exposure is the simultaneous impact of global climate change and economic globalization. Double exposure refers to the negative impacts of both global changes. A particular region or sector or group of people can be impacted for climate change and globalization. From this base, double exposure has impacts in Dhaka city. For these negative impacts, Dhaka city is becoming vulnerable. Globalization has given the opportunity to earn, but for rapid unplanned urbanization, rural-urban migration, population growth and lack of utility services making city dwellers vulnerable. In addition, global climate change has direct impact on Dhaka city. For this both impact, city living standard is becoming low or poor. That is why; city dwellers are suffering for livelihoods loss and different diseases. Also city life is becoming more vulnerable for the lack of utility services and demand. In addition, double exposure introduced winner and loser. A loser for the impacts of climate change in rural Bangladesh becomes the partial winner for globalization in Dhaka city. Partial winners are winners just in the sense of cash income but from other perspective; these partial winners might be more loser than they were before in rural area. Considering both impacts of climate change and globalization, Dhaka city may be in a critical situation. Only an advanced double exposure impact measurement can generate the true intensity of Dhaka city’s vulnerability.

This paper examines the evolution of income inequality over the past half a century and considers whether economic globalisation has been responsible for the rising degree of income inequality. It is argued that the minimisation of the degree of income inequality cannot and should not be the sole objective of the economic policy makers and that the maximisation of social welfare is a much more important objective. It is possible for the degree of income inequality to increase at the same time that everyone is better off. While economic globalisation may sometimes worsen the degree of income inequality, it has enabled hundreds of millions of people around the world to be lifted up from poverty. Moreover, there are many remedial measures that can be used by economic policy makers to alleviate the negative effects of economic globalisation on the degree of income inequality.

While providing for some general indications as to who qualifies for indigenous rights protection, existing identification criteria in determining indigeneity grapple with theoretical challenges and have not surfaced a characteristic of indigenous peoples not shared by other minoritized or vulnerable groups. Approaches developed by legal and anthropological scholarship to determining indigenousness require pre-colonial territorial precedence. This harkens back to the phenomena of European colonization and invasion, restricts the recognition of indigenous rights to peoples in the Americas and Australasia, and excludes similar groups in Africa and Asia whose oppression was by natives of neighboring territories who assumed a position of political dominance in the aftermath of nation-building. It also makes everyone in Asia indigenous because all of them can claim precolonial territorial precedence. If everyone is indigenous, then no one is discriminated and vulnerable; ergo, there are no indigenous issues.Because of the lack of conceptual cleanliness, many Asian states deny the existence of indigenous peoples among them, claiming that all their peoples inhabited their territories at the same time. Such negates the protection international law mandates for indigenous peoples.This paper argues that to determine indigeneity at present, it is imperative to look at the normative undercurrents of indigenous claims and of the international recognition of indigenous rights. Groups in Asia, in which 75% of the world’s indigenous peoples are concentrated, assert indigenousness to resist development aggression into their domains which are the richest reservoirs of Earth’s vestigial biodiversity and resources. On the other hand, international legal protection for indigenous peoples is intended to shield them from the adverse consequences of economic globalization projects. Beyond aboriginality, therefore, indigeneity is a combination of distinctive characteristics of a people claiming it and the consequences of oppressive policies imposed on it by dominant forces in society.

Whether globalization is a relatively recent development or not, it appears that as nations and nongovernmental organizations focus on international competitiveness and the correlative commitment to liberalization and privatization, and the acceptance of interdependencies and integrations among the world’s major economies, these moves have consequences. Taken together with (1) the pursuit of trade liberalization by the West (the quest for open markets for Western products and capital markets), (2) increased international inequalities with respect to capital stock and flows favoring the richest countries, (3) the simultaneous rise in trade protection that reduces or constrains access by developing countries to Western markets, and (4) the incipient and growing emphasis on technology and innovation by many countries and firms including the emergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) including the world wide web and the internet, the prospect of inequality in relationships and income advances.On the other hand, globalization has been accompanied by the instantiation of new institutions coupled with renewed attention being given to existing intergovernmental institutions such as the International Labor Organization that are designed to deal with problems that are either initiated or exacerbated by globalization. Given the difficult economic currents percolating throughout the world, many analysts suggest that the “real question is how labor law can respond to the challenges presented by globalization. In order to promote an efficacious labor law...[it is argued that a] new global goal should be added to the labor law agenda – decent work with a living wage.” The ILO program is advanced around the world through its promotion of “decent work,” an apparently ambiguous slogan calculated to level income inequalities within and between nations. It is the objective of this paper to briefly explore the promise, possibilities and failures of the ILO in an era that apparently features an increasing acceptance by elite opinion formers, banks and financial institutions, and Western world leaders of the presumed value and presumed legitimacy of increased trade integration.

Internationalization is the process of integration cross borders due to the interchange of world information, products, ideas, and culture. The development of technology makes such trend possible, like advanced transportation, communication, information system, etc. Globalization has led to further interdependence of economic and cultural activities. Economic globalization is about the increasing interdependence of world economies because of the growing cross-border trade of commodities and services, flow of international capital and spread of technologies. It reflects the continuing expansion and mutual integration of market frontiers, and is an irreversible trend for the economic development of the world.The current global economic downturn exposed that some countries have low competency in the global environment, which lead to loss of jobs, global trade profits and out flow of capital. In this case, how to let the local companies and business gain competitive advantages in the world became an increasingly important issue to the local leaders and governments. This paper concerns the study on how government can help companies globalize. The article will focus mainly on three countries: Canada, the U.S. and Spain. To complete this project, a wide range of literature and rational analysis will be used, which will broaden the readers’ knowledge about the topic. And hopefully, it can offer some advice to government leaders and researchers.

We examine the heterogeneous effects of globalization on the interest rate setting by microfinance institutions (MFIs) around the world. We consider MFIs as a mechanism to overcome the institutional void of credit for small entrepreneurs in developing and emerging economies. Using a large global panel of MFIs from 119 countries, we find that social globalization that embraces egalitarian institutions on average reduces MFIs’ interest rates. In contrast, economic globalization that embraces neoliberal institutions on average increases MFIs’ interest rates. Moreover, the proportions of female borrowers and of poorer borrowers negatively moderate the relationship between social globalization and MFI interest rate, and positively moderate the relationship between economic globalization and MFI interest rate. This paper contributes to understanding how globalization processes can both ameliorate and exacerbate challenges of institutional voids in emerging and developing economies.

One topic has featured in discussions of bribery of foreign public officials over the last few years – the rise of the broad extraterritorial use of national anti-bribery laws (based on the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention) which might reach domestic or foreign companies anywhere in the world. The problem is that extraterritoriality pushes or even exceeds traditional principles of public international law which may both support and undermine the core values of the international order. In this context, it is still unknown how and to what extent this practice is effective; i.e. whether positive effects of extraterritoriality outweigh negative effects. This paper aims to develop an outline of the effectiveness model of the OECD anti-bribery enforcement regime. It builds on existing theoretical concepts which assess effectiveness of global prohibition regimes. The analysis reveals that on the one hand extraterritoriality has positive effects because the anti-bribery laws are applicable to a widening range of foreign firms coming from jurisdictions where transnational bribery is under-regulated or even not criminalized at all. It can be concluded that increasing number of directly subjected firms, as consequence of the U.S. enforcement leadership, has been reducing the incentives to bribe for any other firm. This is because of indirect effects of these laws on private contractual arrangements which de facto create private implementation processes connected with community enforcement. Consequently, this dynamics also creates incentives for non-enforcers to become active. However, national enforcement authorities often use enforcement strategically to offer domestic companies a competitive edge. Thus, as the OECD anti-bribery regime lacks an enforcement mechanism, extraterritoriality often results in multiple uncoordinated investigations and therefore undermines stability of the anti-bribery enforcement. Extraterritoriality in the context of transnational bribery is a new phenomenon. The paper focuses on anti-bribery law, but much of it also relates to lager issues concerning the role of extraterritoriality in legal and economic globalization and in the evolution of public international law. The paper presents implications for further empirical and doctrinal research.

Globalization has a history quite early but in scientific terms has begun to be addressed a little later. The study of globalization is made of various aspects of the political, sociological, economic, etc., which presents a multidisciplinary concept. The development of technology and the creation of opportunities for communication and quickly move around the world, have made the world forget national boundaries, linguistic and cultural. In this paper we treat globalization as a process and its role in economic, political, cultural and ideological, in the modern world. Nowadays especially in globalization should be seen as an unstoppable process toward global unification in many aspects especially in economic terms, a process that will follow developments throughout the world in the coming decades. In the paper treated globalization as a process that derives the end of which is not known, and that includes various aspects of social life, whose influence is undeniable if either positively in negative terms. Inspired by various events around the world driven by the process of globalization, therefore, I chose to explore and learn more about this multifaceted process that undoubtedly our country feels the effects of this process. In this paper I have tried to outline some of the aspects of this process that is unstoppable, dilemmas and debates, the role of the great powers, as well as other aspects of globalization.

Address to the International Seminar on Accountability and Corruption Control, Mexico City, 21 October 2014. Over the last twenty years we have learned that transparency can be used to improve governmental accountability and performance in many ways. We have also become much better at understanding the political, bureaucratic and social factors that influence the adoption and successful implementation of transparency policies. But we have also witnessed the emergence of powerful trends -- such as economic globalization, the growth of terrorism, and a backlash against the democratic surge of the late twentieth century -- that have encouraged stronger resistance to transparency policies. And old approaches to transparency may not work well in a world in which governments and businesses are harvesting vast amounts of digitized information about citizens and customers. For all of these reasons, citizens need friends -- by which I mean organizations that are prepared to resist the rollback of transparency policies, and also explain precisely what governments and businesses are doing with the information they collect. But will there be a ready supply of organizations to play the role of trusted intermediary? This is the crucial question.