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When and how does state indoctrination work? Building upon research on motivated reasoning and family socialization, I argue that only those individuals whose parents have connections to political patronage are subject to state indoctrination because their pro-regime biases transmitted from parents induce higher receptivity prior to government messages. Focusing on political education in China, I conduct a quasi-experimental analysis exploiting the sharp variation in textbook content generated by China’s most recent curriculum reform. Results based on a national survey show that the new politics textbooks successfully affected only those individuals whose parents had worked for the government. The finding survives extensive robustness checks and falsification tests. I also consider several alternative explanations of the effects: preference falsification, selective attention, parental indoctrination, and educational quality. This paper not only highlights the role of intergenerational transmission in moderating the effectiveness of state indoctrination but also casts doubt on the actual degree to which regimes can change minds by changing educational content.

A performance appraisal is a progression of evaluating an employee’s recital of a job in terms of its necessities. Individually or collectively, it is a part of all the other staffing processes, as a requirement, selection, placement and indoctrination. Telecommunication Industry in India has entirely distorted its face in last decade. The conformist telephony has now become a narration and is replaced with the latest of the 4G products. A layman in the country is able to right of entry most complicated handsets and telecom products at economic rates. Number of company’s contribution broad assortment of products also increased quickly in the market thereby imposing a challenge of employee retention. The paper is based on the results of a well prearranged questionnaire administered to 129 employees of BSNL, Tirupati.

In line with a long research tradition focused on the use of information and communication technology for development (ICT4D), we explore the role of artificial intelligence (AI4D). We start with a rather technical review of four of the characteristic traits of deep learning technologies, which leads to natural metaphors for international development. Based on the empirical evidence of 24 case studies, we derive four characteristics of the use of AI4D that align with the four technological traits. In isolation, each one of them presents a plethora of opportunities to contribute to international development, especially to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, in combination, they create a clear tension between a looming threat of a hegemonic intelligence indoctrination pushed by global economies of scale, and the potential promise to not only honor, but to celebrate local diversity with the help of flexible AI designs. We conclude that the latter cannot be achieved without an active public policy dialogue on the international level and a determined effort on the national levels, especially in developing countries. The study provides terminology and concepts to identify and frame the arising discussions.

Why do authoritarian governments engage in propaganda when citizens often know that their governments are propagandizing and therefore resist, ignore, or disparage the messages? While propaganda is traditionally understood as a means to indoctrinate the masses with pro-regime values and attitudes, i.e., it “brainwashes” people, I propose a theory that propaganda is often not used for indoctrination, but rather to signal the government’s strength in maintaining social control and political order, i.e., it intimidates citizens. I use unique survey data from China to test the argument. Consistent with the theoretical prediction, Chinese college students with more exposure to state propaganda in the form of ideological and political education do not have a more positive view of China’s government and political system, but they are more likely to believe that the regime is strong in maintaining political order and social stability, and less willing to participate in political dissent. Additional evidences consistent with the theory are also briefly discussed.

The goal of education is to instill concepts and character building, not just examination and indoctrination. Management education institutes need to produce students who are academically sound and employable by the industry. We must remember that we are producing managers and not MBA’s. Management is a science as well as an art and hence it need to be practiced rather than taught. What we need is not management teachers but facilitators and mentors who would create an environment for the students to become managers. The curriculum needs to be up to date and that caters to the needs of our country as well as the world. Teachers need to help the students to make the process of continuous assessment effective by making adjustments accordingly. Institutions should develop human qualities in students along with qualifications. The discipline-oriented learning has to be replaced by interdisciplinary courses that are career oriented gradually. Using story telling method would enhance the student’s ability to assimilate and then only we will be realizing the case study method. Students must be encouraged to develop a sense of responsibility and self-reliance. Thus everyone needs to be totally involved and committed. Changes are being called for in the way we think about the role of both instructor and student.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently I analyse how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.

The boundaries between academic freedom and political indoctrination have eroded in recent years, and influential figures and institutions have resisted efforts to reinforce it. This can be seen in the most recent pronouncements of the American Association of University Professors and in the academic work of influential scholars like Matthew Finkin and Robert Post. The trend is also well illustrated by the decision late last year of the Pennsylvania State University Senate Committee on Faculty Affairs to amend that university’s academic freedom policy to delete language that provided: “It is not the function of a faculty member in a democracy to indoctrinate his/her students with ready-made conclusions on controversial subjects.” The conflation of political indoctrination with academic discourse appears repeatedly in various academic controversies, especially on topics relating to Israel and the Middle East. This development is deeply problematic for several reasons. This conference paper argues that the erosion of the boundaries between academic freedom and political indoctrination entails significant risks for the doctrine and that a firmly circumscribed but vigorous conception of academic freedom can avoid these risks. Specifically, this paper argues that political indoctrination cannot be considered academic because it exhibits five characteristics that are inconsistent with the academic function: non-educativeness, controversy, extraneousness, imbalance and bias. Moreover, recent efforts to redefine these five concepts in narrow terms are inconsistent with the basic values that academic freedom is intended to support. Finally, this paper apply these concepts to the William Robinson case, demonstrating that only a robust conception of these five strands can properly illuminate the issues at stake in that case.

This paper examines the causal link between education and democracy. Motivated by a model whereby educated individuals are in a better position to assess the effects of public policies and hence favor democracy where their opinions matter, the empirical analysis uses World Values Surveys to study the link between education and democratic attitudes. Controlling for a variety of characteristics, the paper finds that higher education levels tend to result in rodemocracy views. These results hold across countries with different levels of democracy, thus rejecting the hypothesis that indoctrination through education is an effective tool in non-democratic countries.