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The article discusses about inflation and taxation in relation to low-income groups. In spite of the great current need for more federal revenues and for measures to reduce inflationary pressures, and in spite of the insistence of many pressure groups and some highly respected economists' that taxes on the lower income groups be increased substantially, an excellent case can actually be made for exempting these groups from the increases voted in the Revenue Acts of 1950 and 1951. Besides facing objection on the grounds of its precipitating adverse revenue and inflationary effects, such a suggestion faces the additional criticism that the resulting further increase in the progressivity of the federal income tax would be an outright reform move unfairly undertaken during a period of national emergency. It is argued that further increases will destroy their incentives and hence throttle economic progress. Thus the case against tax increases, and specifically against greater progressivity in tax rates, is made primarily on economic, not ethical, grounds. The article also suggests some points for tax programs and represents it with the help of tables.

The article focuses on the health conditions and medical care in San Antonio, Texas, during 1900-1947. One outstanding characteristic of the community at the turn of the century was its extremely low birth rate. Even in recent years midwives officiated at a large number of births. As late as 1930 they delivered 30 percent of the recorded births in the city and in 1948, 26 percent. Although accurate birth records are a relatively recent innovation, a reasonably precise tabulation of deaths has been maintained for over fifty years. Bureau of Census records since 1900 disclose a successive decline in the San Antonio death rate. The most frequent causes of infant deaths were diarrhea and enteritis, ascribable primarily to unsanitary living conditions, poor diet, and lack of education. Second only to infant diarrhea, pneumonia has had the most deadly effect on San Antonio youngsters. San Antonians were more or less cognizant of their unenviable tuberculosis death rate but prior to 1942 no attempt was made to measure the precise extent of the disease. The Texas Legislature recognized the seriousness of syphilis and gonorrhea many years ago when a so-called model venereal disease law was enacted.

This article presents some of the dynamics and dilemmas of one poverty intervention organization (PIO) as it attempted to enact the expectations and approach the goals of the War Against Poverty. The research methods used in this study were participant observation (in the committee complex and in Topeka Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) staff activities) and unstructured interviews (with Topeka OEO staff and poor and not-poor members of the committee complex). The Topeka OEO is a specific PIO in a specific community--thus generalizations are left to the discretion of the reader. The Topeka OEO has been shown to be a PIO striving to maintain a "functional marginality" between the poor and not-poor and, employing a political organizational style, attempting to bring poor and not-poor together in order to implement on "Overlap Model" for social change. It was concluded that whether or not such organization can endure toward its defined goals, whether or not it can remain functionally marginal without becoming marginally functional, is at this point still a hypothesis being tested.

This article discusses determinants of full employment. If full employment was to exist, the determinants had to be known and used. Spurred on by this fact, Oxford University economists discarded the doctrine proposed by economist John Maynard Keynes, for stimulation of private investment, explaining that "both for fundamental and for technical reasons" it was not "satisfactory." If union wage action threatened to throw prices out of line, wage controls were advised. For capital, control of location of investment and of location of industry was proposed. The whole line of Keynesian theory underscores the fact that it is the income of those whose "propensity to consume" is highest that needs modification. Therefore, the only issue of "government created" money that would help close the gap would be that going to the low income group. This would be one way to redistribute income. Redistribution solely thru printing money is an invitation to inflation, whatever other theoretical merit it might have. And inflation is the fastest way ever invented to redistribute income, upward, unless printed money could be very closely controlled and closely directed into the needed channels, i.e., the low income brackets, which the protectionists would desperately oppose.