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The paper is organized in four sections. Section one presents a brief overview of how the classical sociological theories deal with the religious phenomenon in Western societies. The following section discusses the secularization theory as offered by Norris and Inglehart in Sacred and Secular (2005), where the classic functionalist theory of secularization - that religion would gradually fade in importance and cease to be significant with the emergence of industrial society - is criticized and, a new theory of secularization as a social process linked to the level of existential (un)security occurring in a country is developed. Within this framework, the role of the welfare safety net, and other effective delivery of government services, is analyzed as a means for many people to reduce their vulnerability to sudden, unpredictable risks. Section three investigates the relationship between religion and social policies. Starting from the recognition that the role of religious denominations has been neglected by the comparative studies on welfare state models, we suggest a new classification of welfare systems based on the mainstream religions existing in a country. The different welfare regimes are analyzed along the line Catholic vs. Protestant (Southern vs. Northern welfare models), and along the line Lutherans vs. Calvinist reformed churches (East/West welfare systems). The fourth section illustrates five analytic dimensions of the relationship between religion and welfare state systems. The five dimensions are the following: the principles and the moral norms (precepts) of religious doctrines; the agencies and services directly managed by religious institutions; the political parties with a religious orientation; the cultural orientation and values of the public opinion; the relations between the Church and the public institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the European Commission Roadmap for equality between women and men (2006-2010) and especially the concept of economic independence for women and men. Economic independence, with reference to men, needs to be put in the historical context of the development of labour markets; a man's economic independence depended upon his ability to earn life for himself in the labour market. In addition economic independence needs to be understood in terms of family obligations and the history of marriage and divorce. As a policy goal the concept of economic independence is limited because it generally refers to an individual and does not take into account either family caregiving or the need for family care. It is less fact and more of a fiction, a fiction that ignores childhood, disability, old age as well as women's burden of caregiving. One meaning of economic independence today is what happens to the household income of couples who split the joint household into two separate households. This research documents the vulnerability of the subsequent household of the woman in Esping-Anderson's models of welfare as represented by France, Germany and the UK. In these countries, a separated woman can avoid a decline in her economic well-being only by repartnering. Denmark stands out as the country where gender does not have a statistically significant impact on the post-separation standard of living where there is no new partner (controlling for other relevant variables). The Roadmap also refers to the need for a reconciliation of work and family but, other than child care, it is up to the women and men themselves to work this out. Furthermore, it does not address the need for changes in the labour markets and need for changes in employer's practices, except to caution about flexibility. The main goal here seems to be an increase in women's workforce participation, hardly an effective way to achieve equal economic independence for women and men. The Roadmap also addresses the issues of women and work in developing countries but here the reconciliation of work and family life, and even childcare, is not discussed. There is a history of struggle by workers to make their labour market activity compatible with their family responsibility. The move to include women in labour markets has shifted the context of the worker and his family to the individual. But it is the family, not the individual, which is the appropriate unit of analysis in discussing economic well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender mainstreaming is the major global strategy for the promotion of gender equality. European Union has been focusing increasing attention on gender issues, and especially on considerations on the female condition. Recent developments in European countries are that more and more women are joining the labour force, birth rates are declining and social policies are mainly orienting their measures towards gender equality. Gender mainstreaming process and strategy and gender equality principle seems to become the core of every policy related to reconciliation policies, family policies and even employment ones. These problems, set within a European framework of public spending cuts, make it difficult to maintain and sustain the current type of welfare state. The paper focuses on the relation between family and gender mainstreaming to stress, if and how, the debate on the topic of reconciliation policies, family policies and gender issues are implemented in the European social policy systems. Although some significant improvements have certainly been made - especially in terms of women's emancipation, gender equity and maternity policies - it should however be noticed that some fundamental issues still remain unresolved and continue to pose problems. Many studies highlight the need for a more deepened approach to gender, family and work relationship. In recent years great attention as been given to family well-being effects in workplace and to community studies. In this sense gender policies, that emphasise the importance of dialogue, practice and negotiation in the relationship among men and women/work and family/ individuals and institutions, fail in catching the specific relationality of this process. These push forward in order to consider the possibility to involve more social subjects in the redefinition of social policies facilitating work-family balance. The family is finding it difficult to face the challenges posed by the economic sphere, which is increasingly intrusive (it suffices to think of fragmented work schedules, which sometimes are in conflict with family needs) and demanding (like in the perception that the family should be subsidiary to work). The lack of attention towards family welfare results in a tendency to consider family policies as provisions to be addressed always and exclusively to individuals and not to the relationships between them. The new challenge seems to be the need to reconcile gender, family and work not only through policies but in their basic meaning for individual life; people experiences different spheres of life as an intertwined process, not artificially separable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leave arrangements for parents may be seen as a fundamental element of the policy "package" regarding the reconciliation of work and family life. Paid maternity leave and paid or unpaid parental leave are now available throughout Europe - Western, Central and Eastern. Policy developments over the last decade have also increased the presence of paternity leave and of the father's "quota", and some countries have encouraged long periods of parental leave, with an emphasis on "home care" for children below age three. Although the politics of leave are high on the policy agenda, both at national and EU levels, within Europe there are considerable variations in the structuring and the use made of leave arrangements by parents, as well as in the rationales and objectives of leave policy. The aim of this paper is to explore the diversity of "leave policy models" that exist in contemporary European society. In contrast to other approaches, describing leave policies only on the basis of current leave arrangements or as connected primarily to main types of Welfare State, our approach focuses on the interconnections between leave policy measures and other policy and societal factors that help to shape and give meaning to leave policies: gender equality policy, elements of work/family policy which define the relationship between working parents and the Welfare State (such as the availability of services), expectations and practices concerning motherhood as well as the division of paid and unpaid labour in families with young children. Framed by this analytical strategy, results show that leave policy models are firmly embedded in the complex dynamics of work, family and gender policies. On the basis of comparative data for nineteen European countries, six main leave policy models are identified. To summarize this discussion it is important to emphasize that the policy models identified in this article must be viewed as complex and dynamic. Leave policy is receiving much attention at present, with most countries undergoing significant changes in recent years and reporting discussions about further changes for the near future. Moreover, the direction of change is constantly being shaped by internal political events, circulation of ideas between certain groups of countries and external pressures or developments such as EU directives and gender equity advocacy. In summary, analysis of major cross-national variations in leave policies suggests that the pathways followed are not as clear-cut and predictable as some theories - of path dependency, of welfare state typologies - would lead us to believe. Some countries closely fit a policy model developed within a particular type of Welfare State, others fit less closely or even appear to be hesitating between two different policy rationales and others are diverging cases which do not seem to fit any particular group of countries. This has implications for future analysis and seems to represent a twofold challenge for comparative leave policy research. First, future analysis should try to focus on slightly diverging routes as well as identifying the main leave policy models (on the basis of broad common characteristics of leave policy). Second, it is important to focus on models that, at a particular point in time, are more disconnected from the main configurations of work/family policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that the notion of "social utility" is a peculiar social convention elaborated across Europe in the last twenty years. This essay also contains strictly operative and methodological reflexions about the dimensions of social utility, the rationale and processes which permit/enable its evaluation. In particular the Author develops a new grid able to operazionalize and evaluate the outcome of the third sector's activities. Besides the economical aspects of social utility and the political one, Gadrey develops a third level of evaluation focusing on the "social bond" and "participatory democracy". A new approach about the idea of social utility has developed on the threefold ground of research, political action and associative action. This doesn't mean that idea is valid in itself. In fact, it is at the centre of a debate and it hasn't the same meaning for all the actors, especially for the political and economical one. Some associations, and some researchers, don't accept it. In the process of the social construction of socio-political conventions, things can evolve in a way that is more or less democratic, and more or less favourable to values some which happen to be supported by some and contested by others. Besides, this innovations may drive aground without taking off, because other solutions can be found, or because the status quo could be preferred or imposed by some actors. Anyway, this is not the most probable outcome, especially if the associative and cooperative sector will continue to prove its dinamism, as it has done lately. A further step could be to represent social utility as a value which goes over its current specific ground of application, imposing itself as an instrument for the achievement of new rights and as a ground for elaborating a well-articulated and multidimensional image of social and personal wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes contemporary migration processes, by focusing on the so-called 'second generation' in Europe and Italy. After a brief description of the different meanings attached to this definition, the article highlights some of the peculiar aspects of the Italian context and analyzes them. Italy has experienced immigration only recently in comparison to other European countries. In addition, in this country immigration is often discussed by politicians and the media as a process related only with the labour market. This makes it interesting to define some preliminary indicators and trends in relation to the presence of migrants' children in Italy. Through the analysis of statistical data and academic research, this article studies migration projects through the perspective of the 'second generation', to show this can provide an appropriate lens to understand migration trajectories in their full complexity. Additionally, this article encourages researchers to consider migration from this perspective, as it will be part of a long-term process which may be viewed, from an analytical perspective, as a trajectory, or rather as a multiplicity of potential trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Europe-wide protest arose against agbiotech in the late 1990s, opponents linked its risks with "globalisation", which symbolised the neoliberal policy framework. "Sustainable agriculture" was invoked in divergent ways by proponents and critics of agbiotech. By the late 1990s a legitimacy crisis led to a regulatory impasse. Some analyses diagnosed deficits in regulatory procedures and stakeholder relations, thus needing a remedy in "risk governance". Eventually policymakers defined a common problem: how to restore public and market confidence. Regulatory changes began to accommodate criticisms from mainstream consumer groups and environmental conservation agencies. By contrast, environmentalist groups still sought to undermine public confidence in safety claims. In mediating the conflicts, various governance roles operate as sources of further tension. Risk regulation will continue to bear the burden of legitimacy problems unless R&D agendas are opened up for debate and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]