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This article investigates the notions of 'civil state' and 'civil party' as constructed by the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha through its process of 'specialization' in partisan action and its interactions with both 'secular' forces and the different groups composing – or are associated with it. The various conceptualizations of these notions reveal a multilayered political group, seeking to adapt to the new political environment by recombining the links between religious and political activities. Analyzing the debates that led in 2014 to the constitutionalization of the civil nature of the state and the controversies surrounding religiously inspired bills, as well as interviews with the various actors involved, we show how the reconfiguration of the Islamist movement into two components, a civil party specialized in politics and a faith-based civil society, does not imply a clear separation of state and religion, but rather the affirmation of a civil state inspired by Islamic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As affirmed by the 2010 constitution, the Republic of Kenya is a secular country that promises both freedom of faith and freedom from religion. In practice, however, the realm of religion in Kenya is highly normative. The 2010s have seen the rise of a group seeking to challenge this status quo: Atheists in Kenya (AIK). The group met with fierce resistance, and its attempt to register as a legal society ended before the country's High Court. AIK's activism turned it into a social movement that demands a reexamination of the close ties between religion and the State. It is thus an important participant in a wide debate on secularism in Kenya. In addition, AIK may be read as a testimony to the country's present stage of democratization, which allows – if sometimes reluctantly – for new modes of social action and for the expression of claims that were formerly kept in check. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at providing an answer to why and how, during the entire history of Islamic institutionalization in Belgium, Islamic education has remained at the centre of discussions concerning the place of Islam in Belgian society and in the formation of Belgian Muslim citizens. This question is differently approached in the northern/Flemish and southern/francophone part of the country, depending on specific historical sensibilities. By placing the figure of the Islamic teacher in the longer history of Belgian federalization and school struggles over the 'soul of the child', this article will simultaneously provide a reflection on Belgian secularism as a continuous 'problem-space' in which new and old 'secularizers' and 'sacralizers' are constituted and sustain the very question of politics' relation to religion and vice versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on ethnographic research about the intersections of contemporary forms of spirituality and Catholicism in Italy, Spain, France and Portugal and analyses what social actors mean when they say that they are 'spiritual but not religious' (SBNR). We need to go beyond this self-description and try to understand why spirituality is increasingly being constructed in opposition to religion and what our informants mean, when they say that they are spiritual. With this approach we discover that spirituality, religion and secularism are not completely distinct categories but mutually constitute each other (Asad, 2003 ; Fedele and Knibbe, 2013, 2020) and that the SBNR are not necessarily unchurched (Fedele, 2013 ; Fedele and Knibbe, 2013 ; Ammerman, 2013a). Through ethnographic examples I show how spirituality represents a safe middle ground between religion and secularism. It offers a lingua franca that allows describing religious experiences in increasingly secularized societies. This spiritual lingua franca is particularly useful when addressing issues related to gender and sexuality because it allows embracing secular values without renouncing to be religious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland's public sphere, in the three decades following the fall of communism, has been shaped by tensions between secular and religious visions of the polity. This article analyzes significant trends in the politico-religious landscape of contemporary Poland and discusses the growing polarization of Polish society around religion and politics. While the Catholic Church openly supports the country's populist and right-wing government and remains strong from the loyalty of a significant portion on the Polish population, resistance to that political alliance and to the traditional association between Polishness and Catholicism is observable in various corners of Polish society. These include factions within the Catholic Church arguing for the depoliticization of Polish Catholicism; apostate and secularist movements; and the support for, and participation in, a notable Jewish revival. The article shows that while very different in both content and form, these movements converge in their effort to secularize Polish national identity and build a public sphere where various religious and non-religious value systems co-exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catalonia is simultaneously the most secular region in Spain and the region that places the greatest priority on actively managing religious affairs. Moreover, parties comprising the Catalan Left have been particularly assertive in pushing for legislative proposals to reduce the privileges of the Catholic Church and the general presence of religion in the public sphere. This article examines the sources of Catalonia's exceptionality in religious matters, with a focus on the entanglements between religion and nationalism in the region. Drawing on survey data, legal documents, transcripts of parliamentary debates, media reports, and historical studies, the author argues that counter-state understandings of nationhood have figured centrally in the rapid secularization of Catalonia's populace, the Catalan government's proactive approach to religious governance, and the Catalan Left's insistence on church–state reform at both the regional and national levels. This analysis speaks to broader questions regarding religion, secularism, and nationalism in stateless nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on life stories collected between 2014 and 2018 among a population of baby boomers of French Canadian descent, whose personal path echoes the social and political history of the province. Following their socialization in a Catholic context, this generation has known a rapid phase of secularization, modernization and diversification that, since the end of the 1960s, have impacted the local social and political landscape of the province. The entanglement between individual and collective experiences shapes a particular rhetoric on the « laïc » (secularist) project in Quebec that hinges on memories of Catholicism, concern for gender equity and pluralist ethics. Drawing on Maclure and Taylor's model of open and closed secularism, the author discuss the means and ends of the moral principles underlying baby boomers' narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of Jorge Bergoglio as the head of the Catholic Church has provoked political positioning in Argentina, which reveals new forms of articulation between secularism and politics. While progressive sectors connected to the Kirchnerist government initially viewed Pope Francis and his theology of the people with mistrust, they currently see him as an ally in the defence of social initiatives. From the conservative perspective, the trajectory has been exactly the opposite. Although they initally saw the Pope as an ally to help undermine populism, they soon discovered serious obstacles in the way. As a response, they raised the banner of laïcité and called into question the close relationship between politics and the Catholic Church. In this context, we will analyse the reactions, initiatives, and critical arguments, which surfaced around this limited secularism in political life, the mass media, and public space. In other words, we will observe a displacement in which social conservatism is not necessarily of a Catholic fundamentalist variety, and neoliberalism launches its own secularising tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to investigate the relationship between religion and national identity through the experiences of female converts to Islam. Gender is essential in this conjuncture, as many national, religious and secular markers are gendered and, most of the time, specifically focused on women and their bodily practices. Through a literature review and discussion of preliminary interview results, we will investigate how female converts negotiate their multiple belongings, especially regarding the relationship between religion and national identity. The focus is not on self-understanding of converts, but on in/exclusion of Muslims in European nations. The final aim is to explore options for more inclusive interpretations of 'Dutchness', in order to counter the idea that Islam and 'Dutchness' are not compatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of Jorge Bergoglio as the head of the Catholic Church has provoked political positioning in Argentina, which reveals new forms of articulation between secularism and politics. While progressive sectors connected to the Kirchnerist government initially viewed Pope Francis and his theology of the people with mistrust, they currently see him as an ally in the defence of social initiatives. From the conservative perspective, the trajectory has been exactly the opposite. Although they initally saw the Pope as an ally to help undermine populism, they soon discovered serious obstacles in the way. As a response, they raised the banner of laïcité and called into question the close relationship between politics and the Catholic Church. In this context, we will analyse the reactions, initiatives, and critical arguments, which surfaced around this limited secularism in political life, the mass media, and public space. In other words, we will observe a displacement in which social conservatism is not necessarily of a Catholic fundamentalist variety, and neoliberalism launches its own secularising tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has a twofold aim. The first is to examine relations between women and religion in Italy in order to discover whether women contribute to the process of Italian secularisation as described in the literature. The second is to explore relations between secularisation and secularism among Italian women. Our main theme is that the women’s loosening relationship with the Catholic Church has been accompanied by their greater flexibility on moral and ethical questions. Since these questions have frequently been the object of intervention by the Catholic hierarchy, they are a valuable lens through which to examine secularism, revealing how far Italian women have distanced themselves from the Church’s mandates. With this end in view, we shall focus on Italian women’s opinions about topics (such as abortion, divorce, sexuality and reproductive rights) relating to “morality-politics” which are intrinsic to the “emancipation of women from the domestic sphere”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ‘resurgence’ of religion has led scholars and politicians to critique the ‘secularism’ of public policy. Using evidence from interviews with serving policy officials, this article explores the dimensions of ‘secularism’ as they have been applied to the UK policy context and makes two qualifications. First, I suggest that, rather than the ‘structural’ absence of religion in the last decade, often described as ‘marginalisation’ or ‘privatisation’, religion has repeatedly been relocated in relation to policy goals. Second, I challenge the theory of cultural secularisation expressed in terms of the ‘secular orientation’ of the policy making process and argue that cultural resistance to ‘doing religion’ within the permanent civil service cadre is less the result of a secular orientation and more of ‘religion blindness’, an attempt to demonstrate the ‘impartiality’ within which the civil service code requires non-elected officials to operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]