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This article examines the struggle of an enslaved mother, Catherine Whitfield, and adult daughter, Ann King, to seek legal redress for their abuse while working as domestic servants to a leading Jamaican magistrate. While well-publicized in its time, this case was often narrated through framings which emphasized spectacular violence and suffering and minimized attentions to Whitfield’s and King’s own strategies of resistance and survival. Centring the women’s agency allows a nuanced analysis of modalities of resistance specific to their situation as a mother-daughter pair, as enslaved domestic servants, and as women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After playing a leading role in opposing Jamaica's largely white plantocracy and the island's English governor, both as a journalist and a politician, mixed-race Jamaican Robert A. Johnson (1825–1899) migrated to New York in July 1865, where he joined the editorial staff of the New York Tribune. A few months later, news reached New York of an outbreak in Morant Bay and the violent government suppression that followed. Johnson covered these events from New York, with deep personal knowledge of Jamaica and an ability to read against the grain of the newspaper accounts arriving by steamship. This article recovers Johnson's body of writing on Jamaica published in the Nation, the Evening Post, the New York Tribune, and Hours at Home in 1865–1866 and locates it within a public debate then taking place about what lessons should be drawn from Jamaica for race relations in America. Pointing to the legal mechanisms of planter power, Johnson warned his readers, 'the whole of this bloody affair ... shows also how unsafe it is to intrust the keeping of negro rights to the hands of men bred in the school of slavery or inheriting its traditions.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slave societies such as Jamaica were among the earliest regions to adopt new technologies, suggesting that slavery was not synonymous with economic backwardness. This article uses the efforts of the Falmouth Water Company to adopt the new hydraulic ram between 1799 and 1805 to show that this process was also not restricted to the plantation sector and that the island possessed an unexpected capacity for technological adaption. This was based on local skills in mechanical and civil engineering derived from the plantation sector, and a wider political and financial background that supported innovation when the right conditions were in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the First Maroon War, violent battles between Maroons and British colonists were frequent and violent. How then, after the peace treaties, did former enemies negotiate their new positions as allies? How did colonists accept this new status quo while balancing it with racial beliefs of the era? This article examines Maroon and colonist efforts to progress in a physically difficult and socially charged environment while living side-by-side with a large enslaved population. Ultimately, some influential planters, as opposed to poorer settlers, came to recognise the mutual benefits this uneasy peace provided. That is not to say these colonists were not fearful of the Maroons but that they recognised the usefulness of the Maroon communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From the spring of 1830, the Kingston-based newspaper,Watchman and Jamaica Free Press, published a series of articles discussing the prevalence of interracial concubinage throughout the island of Jamaica. While many discussed concubines as the victims of white men’s lust, equally discussed was the role that mothers had in the continuation of this practice and the degradation of their children. Amid the movement for the abolition of slavery, respectable members of the free community of colour discussed concubines who engaged in interracial sex as unfit mothers and a hindrance to the social progress of the larger community of colour. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the end of slavery and apprenticeship in British Jamaica, the Jamaican House of Assembly instituted an immigration program to bring indentured workers to the island in order to counteract the ability of the emancipated black slaves to demand high wages. In 1840 Ireland became a target for the recruitment of such indentures, but almost immediately Irish humanitarians protested the ‘Jamaica Emigration Scheme’, calling it slavery under another name. Efforts to attract Irish laborers in Limerick to board the Robert Kerr, an emigrant ship bound for Jamaica, sparked their activity, and their agitation continued in the aftermath of its departure in January 1841. Irish abolitionists affiliated with the Hibernian Anti-Slavery Society and Irish nationalists affiliated with Daniel O’Connell’s Loyal National Repeal Association organized against the attempt to indenture Irish workers in Jamaica. This article explores the reasons why and the ways in which members of both organizations cooperated in their protests against the Jamaica Emigration Scheme. In particular, it examines what their interactions reveal about the motives of each organization, the relationship between antislavery activism and anti-emigration attitudes, and the ways in which the recruitment of Irish indentures complicated debates among reformers about the nature of free and unfree labor. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Marlon James’s neo-slave narrative,The Book of Night Women(2009), an Irish overseer embodies both the most hegemonic expression of colonial Enlightenment and the utopian promise of an alternative kind of Enlightenment futurity. This article explores both of these linkages. It brings to bear Luke Gibbons’s concept of the ‘sympathetic sublime’ in order to do so and demonstrates the strengths and limitations of a politics based in the Irishman’s sympathetic identification with the suffering black body. It emphasizes the radical potential of such sympathy while indicating that affective politics requires the supplement of a cognitive grasp of slavery as a system of domination and labor exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article revisits one of the most significant questions in the historiography of British West Indian slavery and abolition. It examines the argument that the relatively weak state of the British West Indian economy from the 1780s onward was the main reason why Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807. In confronting this question of decline, the article analyzes the largest and most important slave plantation economy – Jamaica – during the early eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Using newly generated indicators such as total factor productivity and national income, the paper constructs a case for the dynamism and efficiency of the plantation system in Jamaica right up to abolition in 1807. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay presents the previously unpublished ‘Memoirs’ of Florence Hall, an African-born woman enslaved in early nineteenth-century Jamaica. The brief text describes Hall's childhood in Igboland (now southeastern Nigeria), her enslavement and journey to the Atlantic coast, her experience of the Middle Passage, and her arrival in Jamaica. There, the narrative abruptly cuts off. Evidently, the pages containing the rest of her story were lost. The text was likely written in the early nineteenth century, mediated by planter Robert Johnston, in whose papers the surviving text was found. As one of the only slave trade narratives from an African woman anywhere in the Americas, Hall's ‘Memoirs’ offer a rare opportunity to consider the transatlantic slave trade at its peak from the viewpoint of a female captive. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The African ethnicity of New World slaves was highly significant for the transmission of African social, cultural and religious beliefs and practices. This study employs the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis of present-day Jamaicans in order to assess the ethnic origins of their enslaved female ancestors (males, including white overseers and masters, do not contribute to mtDNA). The evidence suggests that the Gold Coast was the largest single source of Jamaican slaves who arrived, remained and survived in Jamaica. While this finding fits with some historical evidence, it refines the data contained within the Voyages: Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, which indicates that the Bight of Biafra provided the most enslaved Africans to Jamaica. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article contributes to the scholarly literature on labour relations in the transition from slavery to freedom in Jamaica. Based on the plantation papers of the Goulburn family, who owned Amity Hall sugar estate in Vere parish, it traces the contested negotiations between apprentices and free blacks on the one hand and the absentee owner and his manager on the other in a period of two transitions, from slavery to apprenticeship in 1834 and from apprenticeship to a restricted freedom in 1838. This enables one to document the variety of ways in which this crucial period affected the conditions, hours and remuneration for work. Though Amity Hall had a less fractious transition out of slavery than some other Jamaican plantations, the article reveals the difficulties faced by planters in overcoming labour shortages, the bargaining power of Jamaicans at crop time, and the contests over wages, rents and provision grounds that shaped labour relations after 1838. By 1840, the owner and manager and the workers at Amity Hall had not bridged the clear division in their expectations and interests since the Emancipation Bill came into effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2006, the parish councilors of St Elizabeth, Jamaica, decided not to support plans for celebration of the abolition of slavery citing the position taken by National Hero Sir Alexander Bustamante, founding father of the Jamaica Labour Party, that 'we should celebrate our achievements (but) we should not look back at our shame'. This article looks at this instance and others like it of ambivalence towards the memory of slavery and how it ought to be treated today. Main sources for the article are discussions in the public sphere, radio, newspaper and television debates on the subject, and interviews with key principals such as the chairwoman of the Committee for the Commemoration of the Abolition of Slavery as well as dissenting voices such as the St Elizabeth councilors during the period 2006-2007 in the run-up to commemorative activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focussing on the early nineteenth century, this article examines the ways in which white slaveholders in Jamaica developed a distinctive local ideology based on the institution of slavery. Whites were in a minority in Jamaican slave society, slaveholding was widespread amongst white settlers, and all white men experienced privileges in a society organised around racialised boundaries of rule. These factors helped to ensure that Jamaican colonists developed a distinctively local, or creole, world view characterised by the defence of slavery and a culture of white male solidarity. However, local slaveholders maintained close links with Britain and were militarily dependent on the metropole. Metropolitan culture influenced their ideology, and Jamaican slaveholders saw themselves as loyal subjects of the British Crown. They were therefore colonial creoles and, in spite of the rise of abolitionism in the metropole, they maintained that their local practices were reconcilable with their status as transplanted Britons. By the 1830s changed circumstances in Britain and Jamaica forced slaveholders to reach a compromise with the British Government and to accept the abolition of slavery, but in spite of the important changes that this entailed, the main features of their creole world view persisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]