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The outcomes and forms of urbanization and modernization in China following the reform and opening of the late 1970s have attracted extensive attention and competing interpretations in scholarly documentation. This paper focuses on Hainan Island, established in 1988 as the biggest special economic zone in China. Since then, considerable inflows of human as well as speculative capital have led to rapid real estate, in particular tourism-related, development. While urban expansion and improvements have been encouraged, the ongoing over-building, unregulated conversion of land use and degradation of the urban environment present serious social and economic problems. This paper summarizes the trajectory, causal factors and outcomes of this urban growth and consequent planning problems that make the island an atypical case in China’s urbanization experience. We argue that the establishment of a practical framework combining socioeconomic planning, land use planning, and the management of both, is crucial to achieve sustainable growth for this transitional economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widespread agreement exists on the broad outlines of the concept of sustainable development for developing countries. This calls for a development model capable of meeting basic needs without depleting natural resources at a rate that robs future generations of their use. In this regard, citizen participation is also considered key to legitimise such policy choices. However, there is considerable disagreement over the substance and meaning of the major components of the concept and the relationship between them. This paper argues that positions in policy disputes over the sustainable development of the forest cluster in two distinct approaches: market-friendly initiatives and grassroots development. Since market economies prevail almost everywhere, the question that is posed concerns the conditions under which the grassroots development approach is included as a significant complement to market-friendly initiatives. This is a political question, requiring an examination of actors, interests and power resources. The paper thus applies a political economy framework to a paired comparison of Mexico, where grassroots development approaches (community forestry) had notable successes, and Chile, where market-friendly forest policy crowded out alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its emergence as a research field in the 1980s, political ecology has provided a useful tool to explicate violent environments, notably as hallmarks of natural resource-dependent economies. Practitioners regularly address what might be called 'charismatic' natural resources such as oil and other precious minerals to describe contestation over access and control of natural resources. Yet, where this focus exists, the political ecology of less economically valuable or 'noncharismatic' resources is thereby obscured. Thus, Nigeria's dependency on oil production has generated much scholarly attention with its unstable political economy described as a rentier state. In contrast, this paper draws on extensive field experience and knowledge about the country to assess in a preliminary manner some of the dimensions and ramifications of a less well known second-tier natural resource commodity that is gaining attention as part of a possible national economic diversification strategy. Using the case of bitumen, a viscous hydrocarbon mainly used in road surfacing and roofing work, I assess the trajectory of this relatively overlooked resource, thereby opening a window onto the political ecology of a noncharismatic resource. In contrast to the ubiquitous violence in the oil-based Niger Delta, I suggest that bitumen political ecologies, while also provoking political conflict and debate, nonetheless seem to being marked by new power dynamics that might augur a less violence prone path in terms of Nigeria's political economy of natural resource production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the mid-twentieth century the population and economic resources in many developing economies had become concentrated in the capital city. Planned industrial cities became an important mechanism to encourage more balanced urban systems as well as development in peripheralized regions. Venezuela boasts one of the most impressive planned industrial cities, Ciudad Guayana, constructed in 1959 in the resource rich but inaccessible Bolivar state in the southeast. This paper summarizes the lifetime migration to and from Bolivar state for the years 1950, 1971 and 2001. Whereas the majority of lifetime migrants originated from the neighbouring northeast region in 1950 and 1971, by 2001 more migrants arrived from the capital region. For lifetime outmigrants, the destination states became more diverse and less focused on the capital region. Gender ratios of lifetime migrants to and from Bolivar became more equitable as women became more prominent in migration flows. The level of urban primacy in Venezuela declined substantially after 1971 as the country became more internally integrated, although this more equitable distribution of the country's population may not have been solely a result of the creation of the growth pole, but a result of wider economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper broadly sketches the initiation of a biomedical industry cluster in Singapore and how it is driven in a knowledge-based economy. Specifically, we reprise the role of the developmental state in spearheading cluster development, and by so doing critique the prevailing view that rejects the involvement of industrial policy and the state beyond that of just a facilitator in cluster development. Drawing from a modest survey and interview sampling supplemented with secondary data we illustrate how the Singapore city-state is not passive but instead plays an active role as a cluster creator in moving towards a knowledge-based economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forced evictions are widespread in Kenyan cities and are, on the surface, caused by conflicts in land rights, non–payment of excessive land and house rents, and urban redevelopment. But, more fundamentally, evictions are due to factors embedded in the country’s political economy, in particular, the grossly inequitable land ownership structure which makes it difficult for the poor to access land and decent shelter. Evictions cause significant socioeconomic hardship to individuals, affecting cities and whole nations. To avoid evictions, I argue that Kenya must make its political economy more inclusive, implement land reform, domesticate its municipal planning and related by–laws, and create a proactive slum settlements policy. This paper is based on secondary data, largely drawn from the extensive coverage of urban evictions in recent decades in Kenya’s leading newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a comparative analysis of the role of labour movements in democratisation during two very different political transitions in Nigeria and South Africa and in the context of globalisation and neoliberal hegemony. First, Nigeria is examined as an example of authoritarian rollback and containment of pro-democracy movements in an economy heavily conditioned by interventions from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Second, South Africa is discussed as a case of home-grown structural adjustment or gradual neoliberal shift in macroeconomic policies without relevant external interventions. The paper compares the failure of past Nigerian democratisation with the problems and issues arising after the first successful democratic electoral change in South Africa. Labour is analysed by focusing on its relationships with a set of organisations, institutions and regulated behaviours, and the broader concept of labour movement in its plurality of forms of identity, militancy and organisation. The argument of this paper is that the neoliberal discourse, with or without overt political authoritarianism, involves a narrowing of spaces for institutionalising the progressive role of labour in civil society. In the Nigerian case, this process leads to grassroots' demand for a significant radicalisation of trade union strategies, while the possibilities and constraints for such an outcome in the South African case are explored in relation to the crisis of corporatist solutions. The paper concludes that the impact of labour is the single most important factor in the establishment of democracy through alliance with other social forces. At the same time, this conclusion cautions with the contradictory nature of pressures placed on organised labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]