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Pregnancy represents a unique time during which women’s bodies undergo significant physical changes (e.g., expanding belly, larger breasts, weight gain) that can elicit increased objectification. Experiences of objectification set the stage for women to view themselves as sexual objects (i.e., self-objectification) and is associated with adverse mental health outcomes. Although women may experience heightened self-objectification and behavioral consequences (such as body surveillance) due to the objectification of pregnant bodies in Western cultures, there are remarkably few studies examining objectification theory among women during the perinatal period. The present study investigated the impact of body surveillance, a consequence of self-objectification, on maternal mental health, mother-infant bonding, and infant socioemotional outcomes in a sample of 159 women navigating pregnancy and postpartum. Utilizing a serial mediation model, we found that mothers who endorsed higher levels of body surveillance during pregnancy reported more depressive symptoms and body dissatisfaction, which were associated with greater impairments in mother-infant bonding following childbirth and more infant socioemotional dysfunction at 1-year postpartum. Maternal prenatal depressive symptoms emerged as a unique mechanism through which body surveillance predicted bonding impairments and subsequent infant outcomes. Results highlight the critical need for early intervention efforts that not only target general depression, but also promote body functionality and acceptance over the Western “thin ideal” of attractiveness among expecting mothers.

Scholarly work and public commentary point to the persistence of masculinity models characterized by a sense of entitlement, the exertion of dominance, and the justification of abusive behaviors. While there is abundant theoretical work on men and masculinities, fewer empirical studies have examined how young men develop their masculine ideals. In this study, we theorize the role of fathers’ adherence to masculinity ideology in influencing the development of young men’s masculine ideals. We then provide novel empirical evidence on intergenerational congruence between fathers’ and sons’ masculinities using unique data from an Australian national probability survey. Our results reveal moderate, positive associations between fathers’ and sons’ adherence to masculinity ideology. This pattern holds for an overall measure of masculinity, as well as for each of its subscales. Fathers’ religiosity amplified the magnitude of the intergenerational correlation. These findings suggest that interventions aimed at encouraging the development of healthy masculinities amongst young men should engage their paternal figures.

A kinkeeper is the person within the household that is involved in the management of family relationships, a position traditionally fulfilled by women. Due to the increased complexity of family life, which resulted from the rise in divorce and remarriage, the kinkeeper role might nowadays be particularly important but also more ambiguous. First, we examined differences in parental involvement in kinkeeping (buying presents, organizing outings, relaying family news, and discussing problems) along the lines of gender, family structure, and biological relatedness. Second, we explored whether the kinkeeping of parents and their partners is effective in the facilitation of intergenerational closeness with adult children. We used the OKiN survey, which includes information on kinkeeping in N = 746 intact, N = 982 mother-stepfather, and N = 1,010 father-stepmother families. Findings indicated a central facilitative role for mothers and stepmothers. Substantial gaps were found between mothers and fathers, married and divorced parents, and biological and stepparents with respect to the (variety of) kinkeeping in which these parents were involved. Yet, the contrasts of biological relatedness and family structure were also found to be gendered, as these gaps were smaller for mothers than fathers. Finally, an association was found between adult closeness with biological parents and the kinkeeping of the spouse, regardless of the nature of the relationship between the spouse and adult child. This implies that a stepmother can be just as effective as a married biological mother in facilitating the ties between a father and his biological children.

Many people are reluctant to report sexual objectification at work. We tested whether emotions determine how people respond to sexual objectification at work. In Study 1 (N = 159) women recalled a time that they had experienced sexual objectification at work. Participants then rated their emotions in this situation and how they responded. Anger positively and a shame-based emotion (rejection) negatively predicted taking action against the perpetrator (active response). In contrast, shame positively predicted women blaming themselves (self-blame). Moreover, pride positively and anger negatively predicted women viewing the action positively (e.g., as flattering, benign response). In Study 2 (N = 135) women imagined themselves receiving either a highly objectifying or ambiguous comment at work. Being objectified increased negative emotions and decreased pride. Moral outrage (i.e., anger and disgust) positively whilst shame-based emotions negatively predicted active responding. Shame-based emotions positively predicted self-blame, whilst pride positively and anger negatively predicted benign responding. Therefore, emotions determine how people respond to sexual objectification at work. Promoting moral outrage and reducing other emotions (e.g., shame, fear, and pride) may make women (a) more willing to report sexual objectification at work and (b) less likely to blame themselves or view such actions positively (i.e., benign responses).

This study includes two experiments designed to assess the effects of occupational gender-related stereotypes on information processing and memory performance. These two experiments were conducted in two separate cohorts of undergraduate students (N = 107 and N = 96, respectively). In each of them, we assessed (and confirmed) the presence of an implicit association preferentially linking high status attributes to men using the Implicit Association Test (IAT). We also assessed the effective incorporation of this association into gender-schemata and its consequences for information processing with a memory task that involved remembering the feminine and masculine forms of high or low status professional occupations. Results indicated that, independently of their gender, participants were more likely to forget and less likely to falsely recall the feminine forms of high status professions, whereas the opposite was true for the masculine forms of high status professions. The magnitude of these memory biases was correlated with the IAT scores. Moreover, in agreement with the predictions of gender-schemata theory, these memory biases (and their correlations with IAT scores) were predominantly observed when participants were not adverted that their recall would be evaluated later on (incidental-encoding memory task; Experiment 1), but less so when participants were explicitly instructed to memorize the same feminine and masculine forms of high or low status professional occupations (intentional encoding memory task; Experiment 2). Taken together, these results call into question the notion that gender stereotypes about professional occupations are declining, and they highlight a “men-high-status” association as a major component of these occupational stereotypes.

The labor market is strongly gender segregated with few women working in the tech sector (e.g., IT) and few men working in the care sector (e.g., nursing). We tested the hypothesis that middle school students strongly associate technology with men and caregiving with women in a Swedish context (i.e., a country that scores high in gender equality indices), and that these gender stereotypes for tech relate to girls’ lower interest in tech-focused education. We measured technology/caregiving gender stereotypes with implicit (the Implicit Association Test) and explicit (self-report) measures in a sample of middle school students (n = 873). The results supported the main hypotheses, and corroborate Eccles’s expectancy value theory, indicating that the endorsement of implicit gender stereotypes may serve as barriers to pursuing masculine-typed career paths for women. Further, a sample of middle school teachers (n = 86) showed stronger implicit gender stereotypes than the students. Unexpectedly, middle school girls with a foreign background showed no implicit gender stereotypes, which we discuss in relation to the gender-equality paradox. These findings suggest that to fulfill the recruitment needs of an increasingly digitalized world, the tech-industry and other stakeholders should put effort into counteracting the stereotype that technology is for men.

Men and women typically help others in gender stereotypic ways (gender-consistent helping), but how might people judge helpers who do so in counter-stereotypic ways (gender-inconsistent helping)? Most of the time helpers are viewed favorably, but behaviors that deviate from gender stereotypes tend to elicit social sanctions from others. Thus, gender-inconsistent helping presents a paradox wherein people may anticipate facing negative judgments from others despite helping being a positive, prosocial act. Across three experiments (two pre-registered), participants provided their own (Studies 1–3) and normative (Studies 2–3) evaluations of gender-consistent and gender-inconsistent helpers. Taken together, results revealed that participants expected other people to evaluate gender-inconsistent helpers less favorably than gender-consistent helpers (Hypothesis 1), and less favorably than they actually did themselves (Hypothesis 2). These findings show that gender-inconsistent helping is less susceptible to backlash than people think, and instead suggest that pluralistic ignorance could be a barrier to gender-inconsistent helping, if people fear that others’ judgments of gender-inconsistent helpers are harsher than their own. Our results highlight novel opportunities for addressing persistent occupational gender segregation in prosocial contexts (by confronting pluralistic ignorance), which could subsequently enhance gender equality more broadly.

Parents are not only caregivers to their children; they also have leisure routines that can impact their own well-being. However, little is known about how leisure activities change within the context of a couple during the transition to parenthood. This study uses latent growth curve models and data from the Swedish Pregnancy Panel to examine how often 918 first-time, heterosexual couples participated in six leisure activities from around pregnancy week 19 to one year postpartum. Compared to fathers, mothers less frequently exercised and listened to news, and more frequently read newspapers, spent time for themselves, and spent time with friends. Over time, mothers increased their frequency of praying to God and decreased spending time for themselves and with friends. Fathers decreased frequency of exercise. Within couples, there was a positive correlation between mothers’ and fathers’ frequency of engaging in leisure activities, although most changes over time were not associated. Our finding that two individuals within a couple may change their leisure activities independently of each other during the transition to parenthood can help healthcare professionals and researchers prepare expectant couples for upcoming changes (or lack thereof) and promote parent well-being. Our findings also highlight the possibility that in contexts with more state support for families, parenthood may not exacerbate gender gaps in leisure.

Previous research shows that men eat more meat than women. We explore the extent to which self-rated gender typicality explains differences in meat consumption intentions and behaviour. We recruited a large sample (N = 4897) of Australian men and women to complete an online survey about their attitudes and intentions regarding meat consumption and abstention and measured their self-rated gender typicality (the extent men view themselves as masculine, and women view themselves as feminine). We used moderated regression analyses to investigate self-rated gender typicality as a moderator of the relationship between gender and meat-related variables. We demonstrated that for men, identifying as more masculine was associated with a lower likelihood of reducing meat consumption or considering veg*nism, and a greater belief that eating meat is normal. We also found that men, and those with more gender-typical self-ratings (regardless of gender), viewed meat as more natural, necessary, and nice. These findings suggest that self-rated gender typicality may be relevant for understanding gender differences in meat consumption behaviours. Appeals to adopt low- or no-meat diets may be more effective if they consider the ways Australian diets are interconnected with genders and identities. Increasing acceptance of alternative masculinities, and developing masculinity-friendly advertising of plant-based foods, could be useful in promoting meat reduction.

There is growing evidence that heterosexual relationships in which traditional gender roles are reversed because women have attained higher societal status than their male partner are more precarious. We argue that this is the case because both partners in role-reversed relationships are evaluated more negatively than partners in more egalitarian or traditional gender role relationships. In two experimental studies conducted in the United States (N = 223) and the Netherlands (N = 269), we found that when encountering role-reversed relationships, participants perceive the woman as the more dominant and agentic one and the man as the weaker one in the relationship. They also perceive women in role-reversed relationships as less likeable, have less respect for men in role-reversed relationships, and expect that such relationships are less satisfying. In addition, in a third partner study (N = 94 heterosexual couples), we found that both male and female partners in role-reversed relationships considered the man to be the weaker one and the woman to be the more dominant one. Moreover, perceiving the man as the weaker one predicted lower relationship satisfaction in role-reversed couples. Overall, this research indicates that gender stereotypes about heterosexual relationships should be considered in efforts to achieve gender equity.

There is increased acceptance of gay men in most Western societies. Nevertheless, evidence suggests that feminine-presenting gay men are still disadvantaged compared to gay men who present in a more traditionally masculine way. Though gay men themselves may be complicit in perpetuating this bias, studies that demonstrate this possibility are scant. Whereas most studies on perceptions of feminine-presenting gay men have manipulated gender nonconformity via written descriptions, research suggests that behavioural cues such as voice and body-language can mitigate or exacerbate prejudice toward a stereotyped individual. In the current study, audio-visual stimuli were created to investigate how masculine versus feminine behaviour would impact status endowment from other gay and heterosexual men. In total, 256 men (Mage = 42.73, SD = 14.48: half gay; half heterosexual) cast, from a selection of six video-taped candidates, one gay man to play a lead role in a purported ad for a tourism campaign. In the videos, the actors delivered a script related to the tourism campaign in a manner where their voice and body-language was manipulated to come across as either masculine or feminine-presenting. Findings indicated that gay and heterosexual participants showed a significant preference for the masculine videoclips. For heterosexual men, the preference for masculine-presenting actors was predicted by greater anti-gay sentiment, whereas internalised anti-gay prejudice did not predict a preference for masculine-presentation among gay men. Implications of the findings for discourse and education on intraminority prejudice and suggestions for future research are offered.

Good mother ideology refers to beliefs that women are only 'good' mothers if they adhere to the tenets of dominant parenting discourse, such as intensive mothering ideology, which prioritizes children's needs and child-raising above all else. Undergirded by this ideology, mothers' attempts to navigate the transition to motherhood are fraught with pressures, and the transition is associated with negative health outcomes for mothers and children; yet existing research gives little attention to the quality or dynamics of the partner relationship as part of this transition. The current study examined motherhood pressure and the impact on partner relationships through individual, semi-structured interviews with 19 mothers living in Australia who were 18 years or older in a heterosexual relationship with at least one child under the age of five. Thematic analysis revealed four key themes: discourses on motherhood: criticisms of mothers and internalised guilt; transformation of identity; entrenchment of gender roles through childrearing; and positive relationship dynamics: supportive fathers and challenging gender roles. This study contributes to the larger body of literature highlighting the complexity of dominant mothering ideology and its entanglement with and impact on partner relationships. Further, this study includes mothers' perceptions of how they navigate these pressures within the relationship with their partner and the family unit. These findings have implications for programs to support mothers and other caregivers, as well as challenge unrealistic standards for motherhood.The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11199-022-01345-7.