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Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo: Este trabalho descreve propriedades sintáticas, semânticas e pragmáticas de sentenças que contam com o item capaz sendo utilizado com o valor de marcador negativo no dialeto gaúcho do português brasileiro (PB), em que este item expressa uma rejeição forte a um conteúdo proposicional prévio. O artigo também compara o comportamento de capaz com outros marcadores negativos não-neutros (dos tipos anafórico, enfático e metalinguístico) do português quanto à possibilidade de concordância negativa e à distribuição por tipos sentenciais distintos. E apresenta uma proposta de derivação sintática, com base no arcabouço da gramática gerativa, para as sentenças com esse item, assumindo que se trata de uma estrutura mono-oracional, em que capaz é gerado em uma posição de especificador na periferia esquerda da sentença, onde pode sofrer modificação adverbial; a cópula que opcionalmente o acompanha funciona com uma categoria funcional do sistema CP (e não como o núcleo de um VP). Palavras-chave: negação enfática; português brasileiro; dialeto gaúcho; sintaxe. Abstract: This paper describes the syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties of sentences with capaz as a negative marker in the Gaúcho dialect of Brazilian Portuguese, expressing a strong rejection to a previously uttered propositional content. The paper also compares the behavior of capaz with that of other non-neuter negative markers in Portuguese (anaphoric, emphatic and metalinguistic) with regard to the possibility of negative concord and the distribution across different sentential types. It proposes a syntactic derivation for sentences with negative capaz within the framework of generative grammar, assuming a monoclausal structure in which capaz is generated in a specifier position in the left periphery, where it can be modified by adverbs. The copula that optionally accompanies capaz is assumed to be a functional category in the CP system rather than a VP nucleus. Keywords: emphatic negation; Brazilian Portuguese; Gaúcho dialect; syntax.

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: In this paper, I claim that a parametric view on change in pro-drop does not contradict the fact that not all the Partial Null Subject (PNS) languages display identical properties. I show that the contingent nature of diachronic change is the reason for the slight differences between PNS languages. Modern Russian (MR) and Brazilian Portuguese (BP) are two PNS languages that developed from Consistent Null Subject antecessors (Old Russian and European Portuguese) independently from each other. I account for the change in pro-drop experienced by these two languages, analyzing the properties usually related to the null subject parameter (verbal inflection, clitics, null objects, embedded and arbitrary null subjects), and show that the final parametric setting in both MR and BP was almost identical, with small differences that can be attributed to the different initial conditions for the change. Keywords: Pro-drop; null subjects; null objects; clitics; Consistent Null Subject languages; Partial Null Subject languages; Brazilian Portuguese; European Portuguese; Modern Russian; Old Russian. Resumo: Neste artigo, afirmo que uma visão paramétrica sobre a mudança em pro-drop não está em conflito com o fato de que nem todas as línguas de sujeito nulo parcial (PNS) apresentam propriedades idênticas. Mostro que a natureza contingente da mudança diacrônica é a razão para as pequenas diferenças entre as línguas PNS. O russo moderno (MR) e o português brasileiro (BP) são duas línguas PNS que se desenvolveram a partir dos antecessores de sujeito nulo consistente (antigo russo e português europeu) independentemente uma da outra. Relato a mudança de pro-drop experimentada por essas duas línguas, analisando as propriedades geralmente relacionadas ao parâmetro de sujeito nulo (inflexão verbal, clíticos, objetos nulos, sujeitos nulos subordinados e arbitrários), e mostro que a configuração paramétrica final em ambas MR e BP foi quase idêntica, com pequenas diferenças que podem ser atribuídas às diferentes condições iniciais para a mudança. Palavras-chave: Pro-drop; sujeitos nulos; objetos nulos; clíticos; línguas de sujeito nulo consistente; línguas de sujeito nulo parcial; português brasileiro; português europeu; russo moderno; russo antigo.

Resumo: Neste trabalho, nosso objetivo é apresentar os resultados de nossas pesquisas sobre o objeto acusativo anafórico na variedade de espanhol de Madri e na variedade do português brasileiro de São Paulo, assim como sugerir uma análise teórica para essas construções a partir dos desenvolvimentos minimalistas (CHOMSKY, 1999, 2000, 2004). Analisamos entrevistas da variedade de espanhol de Madri (CESTERO MANCERA et al. 2014) e do português brasileiro (LIMA-HERNANDES; VICENTE, 2012). Como referencial teórico, aliamos as perspectivas biológica (CHOMSKY, 1981, 1986) e social de língua (LABOV, 2008; WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2009). Observamos a atuação da referencialidade do antecedente, do traço de indefinitude do determinante, da ausência de determinante, da estrutura verbal e do aspecto lexical na possibilidade de elipses na variedade de espanhol de Madri. Em relação à variedade do português brasileiro de São Paulo, observamos objetos nulos quase categóricos e que os pronomes lexicais apresentam restrições na expressão de antecedentes menos referenciais. Esses resultados se assemelham aos de nossa pesquisa anterior (SIMÕES, 2015) e às variedades de espanhol do País Basco (LANDA, 1993) e de Quito (SUÑER; YÉPEZ, 1988). Palavras-chave: espanhol; português brasileiro; objeto acusativo anafórico, variação linguística; concordância de objeto. Abstract: In this paper, our aim is to present the results of our researchs about the anaphoric accusative object in the Spanish variety of Madrid and in the Brazilian Portuguese variety of São Paulo and to propose a theoretical analysis to these constructions based on minimalist developments (CHOMSKY, 1999, 2000, 2004). Interviews of the Spanish variety of Madrid (CESTERO MANCERA et al. 2014) and Brazilian Portuguese variety of São Paulo (LIMA-HERNANDES; VICENTE, 2012) were analysed. Regarding the theoretical approach, the biological (CHOMSKY, 1981, 1986) and social (LABOV, 2008; WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2009) perspectives on language were combined. We observed the effect of the antecedent referenciality, of the determinant indefinite features, of the bare nouns, of the structure and lexical aspect of verbs on possibility of elipsis in the Spanish variety of Madrid. Concerning the Brazilian Portuguese variety of São Paulo, the null objects were almost categorical and the lexical pronoun presented restrictions to less referencial antecedents. These results ressemble the tendencies of our previous research (SIMÕES, 2015) and the Spanish varieties of País Vasco (LANDA, 1993) and Quito (SUÑER; YÉPEZ, 1988). Keywords: Spanish; Brazilian Portuguese; anaphoric accusative object; linguistic variation; object agreement.

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem is the property of Revista de Estudos da Linguagem and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This paper investigates the empirical properties of morphologically complex verbs of change in Brazilian Portuguese. Its main goal is to find out whether there are (not) correlations between prefix morphophonological form, root semantics and verb argument structure. All verbs analyzed denote events in which the internal argument is the undergoer of a change, and a classification in four semantic subclasses according to their root meaning is proposed: state, place, transfer of possession (either abstract or concrete) and reconfiguration. Contrary to what previous literature has suggested, fine-grained investigation within each of these classes has shown that it is not possible to exclusively associate morphological forms to specific root semantics or morphosyntactic behavior, although it is possible to observe general tendencies. To provide an analysis to account for the robust homogenous structural properties and general semantics behavior across the class, in face of the morphological variation in what regards prefix choice among the forms a-, en- and es-, it is proposed that prefixes are the phonological realizations of a functional head in the lower domain of the verb (labeled R, Relational) whose choice is given in terms of contextual allomorphy. It is shown that vocabulary insertion at R is guided by locality with the root. The theory of allomorphy proposed in Embick (2010), which is based on locality and linearity, was efficient in accounting for the selection of allomorphs of R, v and Th (Theme Vowel) heads. Keywords: complex verbs; prefixes; allomorphy; Brazilian Portuguese; Distributed Morphology. Resumo: Esse artigo investiga as propriedades empíricas de verbos de mudança morfologicamente complexos do português brasileiro. Seu objetivo principal é descobrir se há ou não correlações entre a forma morfofonológica do prefixo, a semântica da raiz e a estrutura argumental do verbo. Todos verbos analisados denotam eventos em que o argumento interno é o objeto afetado de uma mudança, e uma classificação em quatro subclasses semânticas de acordo com o significado atribuído à raiz é proposta: estado, lugar, transferência de posse (abstrata ou concreta), e reconfiguração. Contrariamente ao que foi sugerido pela literatura anterior, a investigação detalhada dentro de cada uma dessas classes mostrou que não é possível associar exclusivamente as formas morfológicas prefixais à semântica específica da raiz ou ao comportamento morfossintático do verbo, embora seja possível observar tendências gerais. Para fornecer uma análise para explicar as robustas e homogêneas propriedades estruturais e o comportamento semântico geral em toda a classe em face da variação morfológica em relação à escolha do prefixo entre as formas a-, en- e es-, propõe-se que os prefixos sejam realizações fonológicas de um núcleo funcional no domínio baixo do verbo (rotulado como R, de Relacional) cuja escolha é dada em termos de alomorfia contextual. Mostra-se que a inserção de vocabulário em R é orientada por localidade com a raiz. A teoria de alomorfia prospota em Embick (2010), baseada em localidade e linearidade, se mostra efetiva para analisar a escolha dos alomorfes dos núcleos R (relacionador), v e Th (Vogal temática). Palavras-chave: verbos complexos; prefixos; alomorfia; português brasileiro; Morfologia Distribuída.

In this paper, we analyze clitic doubling constructions in dialectal non-standard Brazilian Portuguese. Within the Minimalism Framework, we explain very peculiar aspects of the doubled structures in this language, namely the fact that they occur only for 1st and 2nd person pronouns and that they co-vary with single clitic structures and single strong pronoun structures. Our approach assumes that the clitics me and te are hosted by a dedicated functional projection and result from the checking of the sole person feature [speaker:±]. Moreover, we show that, unlikely other cross-linguistic phenomena of pronominal doubling, Brazilian Portuguese Clitic Doubling does neither yield (nor is a result of) any interpretive effect, but rather is an instance of a pure agreement chain. This leads us to advocate, contra the standard Minimalist Program, for the validity of the conceptual postulation of AgrP, as a condition on well-formedness of certain structures.

This paper presents a new, intriguing finding and discusses some ofits theoretical implications: phonetic categorization, including majorclass membership, is entirely predictable from phonotactic biases inthree Brazilian Portuguese word databases. The predictors are logfrequencies of ‘VC, ‘CV and V’CV sequences consisting of the 7stressed vowels combined with the 19 onset consonants, plus the 5Southeastern pre-stressed vowels. Correct vowel categorizationarises through discriminant analysis of ‘VC and ‘CV data. Correctconsonant categorization arises through discriminant analysis of V’CVdata. Results are consistent across databases and, thus, strongly suggestthat statistical biases in the lexicon can be so stable as to code phoneticcategories. The findings and their corollaries bear on the issue of therelationship of lexical phonotactics to speech dynamics.