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This study investigates the posting strategies of CEOs of Latin American companies on LinkedIn and their impact on engagement. It examines activity levels and types of presence, and engagement rates. Based on a quantitative analysis, the results reveal that executives in this region have a significantly lower frequency of posting on LinkedIn compared to the averages recommended by experts. Regarding the type of presence, CEOs are “content creators” and mainly post their own content. The engagement analysis shows discrepancies between own and hybrid posts. Due to the originality of own content, it receives better engagement rates than hybrid posts. The findings reveal that most Latin American CEOs adopt a “passive funnel” posting strategy on LinkedIn, which is characterized by low activity and own content. It is striking that CEOs with a more passive approach tend to have higher engagement rates compared to those with a more active approach. From these findings it is clear that, although authentic content generates interaction, CEOs should take advantage of the potential of shared publications, which are characterized by fostering dialogue based on content with diverse perspectives, a particular feature of the actors and institutions of the business environment. This research assesses the potential of CEOs as institutional communicators and provides methodological guidelines for academics and professionals in charge of the publication strategies of organizations and managers in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universities use social networks to transmit their institutional identities, applying them as mirrors and loudspeakers of campus life. Thus, they intend to attract potential students and build global communities that transcend the offline field. Much of the previous studies give greater relevance to the engagement achieved than to the discourse used, so this research explores the use of Instagram by the five best universities in the world according to the Shanghai 2022 Ranking, with the aim of comparing their strategies and contrast published content with recorded interactions. The methodology focuses on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the posts published by Harvard, Stanford, MIT, Cambridge and California Berkeley during the first quarter of the 2021/2022 academic year (n=394), for which a file of analysis has been designed. The results reflect a certain homogeneity in terms of formats, with a predominant use of images; and to discursive intention, focused on extolling the human capital of the institution and its life stories. However, there are particularities derived from the values of each University and the idiosyncrasy of the territory in which they operate. Likewise, from the relationship between the semiotics of the message and the registered interactions, a main conclusion is drawn: there is a discrepancy between the most published and the content with the most participation. Thus, to achieve bidirectionality in their social community, institutions should design their strategies according to the impact achieved, which is greater when CSR actions are disseminated, and video is chosen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social networks have become essential means of communication and have modified the concept of political communication. Social media have nowadays an increasingly important impact on election campaigns worldwide, and, therefore, the latest election processes within the Latin-American context are ideal environments for this analysis, due to both the volatility and the richness of the political-electoral competition, and their capacity to influence the exchange of political information through the different emotions of the audiences. This paper presents a systematized study of the communication that took place in social media during the first round of the 2022 Costa Rican electoral process (February 6th). The information has been collected from the data available at the Digital Media Communication Observatory of the Universidad Latina de Costa Rica, using the social listening tools Minerva Data, Kantar IBOPE Media's Adspend and Mention, with the objective of revealing the digital conversation trends in this campaign, an unprecedented electoral process with 25 presidential candidates. The reports from the Digital Communication Observatory show the evolution of the electorate's behavior in terms of interaction, sentiment, topics and voting intention, during the first round of the 2022 electoral process, as well as the general dynamics perceived in the social media and public web environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is considered a legitimizing activity for organizations and an essential value for reputation fundamentally in crises. Social networks, especially Twitter, are beneficial tools for CSR communication. This social network is considered the ideal tool for communication management during critical situations. Thus, the main objective of this research is to analyze how the most responsible companies in the Spanish energy sector communicate their CSR actions and policies during the pandemic on Twitter. Through the content analysis of 3,146 tweets published during 12 months, the study evaluates the activity, topics and communicative approach of CSR messages posted during the health crisis. Despite the pandemic situation, the results suggest that organizations have not significantly changed their roadmap in the communication of their CSR actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 general elections in Peru took place in an unusual context generated by many factors. In addition to taking place within the bicentennial year of the country's independence and having eighteen presidential candidates, the electoral process was marked by a deep political crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. In this context, the present research aims to understand how the political communication of the candidates and their political parties was managed on social media during the first round of these presidential elections. To find this, a metric analysis is applied oriented to the presence and activity of candidates and political parties in social media. The findings reveal a high level of presence of candidates and political parties, a clear phenomenon of personalization in political communication and the concentration of posts, especially in Facebook and Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instant messaging applications are creating spaces for conversation and information exchange that, due to their encrypted nature, cannot be easily analyzed. Taking into account this circumstance, the research aims to know if WhatsApp, in relation to the political messages, describes operating dynamics analogous to the rest of open social networks, that is, to what extent the theory about echo chambers and filter bubbles can be adapted to the exchanges of political content that occur in this application. It also seeks to know if the communication that occurs in this social network accommodates the "one-to-many" pattern and not the "one-to-one" system. To do this, a descriptive study was chosen with an exploratory purpose and a self-administered online survey was carried out with a sample of 713 people using the application in Spain. The results indicate that on WhatsApp, the dialogue on political issues could preferably be taking place in "one-to-many" group interaction spaces and not in private chats. Similarly, it has been possible to observe the centrality that negative emotions and interpersonal conflict caused by political issues, the apparent non-existence of echo chambers and the presumed presence of imported filter bubbles from other digital spaces, acquire for the sample. Deciphering the great "black box" from the theoretical body already developed for the analysis of other social networks will allow us to know with greater precision the hitherto unpredictable incidence of the dissemination of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid cyberspace evolution and the volatility of both, websites as well as online media requires an ongoing education of the technique and study methods. We have developed a new model of analysis, unifying previous designs and completing it with a contrasted results validation system. We confront this query from a global perspective and in line with Web 2.0 and social media. For this we start from the Communication Model Website (WCM), developed by Juan Narbona, which analyzes websites using four pillars: content and services, technical instruments, promoters and visitors. This model, valid for Web 1.0, was updated by Daniel Arasa in the Online Communication Model (OCM), which adds a fifth pillar to contemplate social media taking into consideration social media. Also take into account we lean on a quantitative method measurement system the Sistema Articulado de Análisis de Cibermedios (SAAC), for further validation.

The goal of this article is to analyze the degree of maturity in the digital transformation of the public relations and communication departments of the companies with the highest turnover that belong to the Spanish Association of Communication Directors-Dircom by applying the model for digital transformation proposed by Westerman, Bonnet and McAfee (2012, 2014), based on the vectors of leadership and digital capacity. For this purpose, a questionnaire was sent to those responsible for communication of this type of companies. Our results identify that 73.6% of the communication departments are at an advanced stage of this transformation, conditioning cultural changes to corporate governance, the demand for new profiles, the reorganization of work, and focusing on areas where there is an improvement that maximizes the return of resources invested. 85% of these departments have an integral vision of digital communication, although they recognize that they must automate many of their processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text addresses the use of digital communication of the Colombian indigenous movement, from the cases of the Communication Fabric of the ACIN and the Collective Winds of the CRIHU, for this it focuses on the analysis of the actions of mobilization of the Minga Indígena and Popular of 2008 and the recovery of Cerro El Berlín, held in Cauca and the Mingas of Liberation of Mother Earth in 2012 and 2013, held in Huila. Fundamental mobilizations in the historical struggle and the indige nous resistance, in these they articulated communicative and digital strategies, the appropriation of diverse supports and technological repertoires to counter the stigmatization of the hegemonic means and the reproduction of the state voice, thus to potentiate the political communication since Action and resistance.

This article studies the effectiveness of websites of Chilean deputies as a communication tool. Researchers conduct a content analysis of the entire website of parliamentarians at two moments: 2015 and 2018. A first fact is that only half of the deputies have a website, rejecting its potential as a communication tool for citizens. In addition, none of the 129 websites analyzed, 66 in 2015 and 63 in 2018, is effective in terms of digital communication, underutilizing the informative and dialogical potential of this tool. The article also provides information about the use of Facebook and Twitter by parliamentarians. In the light of the results, the websites of Chilean deputies are used in the old logic of mass communication that includes a sender and a passive public, contradicting the digital democratization that characterizes the communication of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text addresses the use of digital communication of the Colombian indigenous movement, from the cases of the Communication Fabric of the ACIN and the Collective Winds of the CRIHU, for this it focuses on the analysis of the actions of mobilization of the Minga Indígena and Popular of 2008 and the recovery of Cerro El Berlín, held in Cauca and the Mingas of Liberation of Mother Earth in 2012 and 2013, held in Huila. Fundamental mobilizations in the historical struggle and the indige nous resistance, in these they articulated communicative and digital strategies, the appropriation of diverse supports and technological repertoires to counter the stigmatization of the hegemonic means and the reproduction of the state voice, thus to potentiate the political communication since Action and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobile supports are gaining higher penetration in the market of digital communication. Keys to their definition are the concepts of mobility, support and service. The more developed one is the mobile phone, according to the International Union of Telecommunications in the present year there will be 4,000 million units of mobile phones. The present article explains the way in which nontemporality and ubiquity have formed a mobile culture. In the current market the telephone is a support product in Relations and is a server of contents which have special economic importance. It is interesting to observe its current characteristics in order to make a projection of its trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]