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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a “nuanced hegemony”, in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as “differentiated hegemony”. The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries.

This paper is based on an understanding of the global immigration control regime as one of legal violence. It analyses the specialist literature that reveals the existence of an economy of deportability, understood as the unequal distribution of the forms of state power in the lives and freedoms of non-nationals, with gender playing a preponderant role. Taking a gender perspective, a selection of texts from the past two decades are reviewed that analyse the deportation and anti-trafficking apparatus in Europe, the United States and South America. The literature corroborates the existence of a gendered economy of deportability that generates social suffering that, in different ways and to differing degrees, shapes the (im)migrant presence in the national order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascist movements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement's leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different means such as literature and the internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an understanding of the global immigration control regime as one of legal violence. It analyses the specialist literature that reveals the existence of an economy of deportability, understood as the unequal distribution of the forms of state power in the lives and freedoms of non-nationals, with gender playing a preponderant role. Taking a gender perspective, a selection of texts from the past two decades are reviewed that analyse the deportation and anti-trafficking apparatus in Europe, the United States and South America. The literature corroborates the existence of a gendered economy of deportability that generates social suffering that, in different ways and to differing degrees, shapes the (im)migrant presence in the national order.

Ostensibly, Joe Biden’s victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden’s foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor.

This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascist movements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement’s leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different means such as literature and the internet.