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First of all, this paper frames the research into political change - one of the main study areas in comparative politics - and focusses on the regions of North Africa and the Middle East, which the ranks of comparativists had barely analysed until the so-called Arab Spring. There is, consequently, a dearth of theoretical frameworks with which to approach the experiences of political change that began in 2011 with the Arab protests and revolutions. Secondly, it analyses the democratising scope of the processes of rupture and reform brought about in the political systems of the region, observing that the expectations raised by the Arab Spring have not been fulfilled, except in the case of Tunisia. Lastly, it presents and systematises the eight articles assembled in this monograph, of which the actors and dynamics of change in the region are the cornerstone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2008 onwards, the economic crisis experienced by countries such as Spain marked a turning point in migratory flows. As a result, faced with the serious reality of unemployment and the precariousness of the Spanish labour market, the option of return has become the last resort for some immigrants, and an attractive strategy for governments (of both countries of origin and destination), which attempt to manage return using special programmes. From this point of view, the aim of this paper is to examine the assisted voluntary return programmes in Spain and Bolivia and their suitability to the dynamics of return, beginning with an exhaustive review of the programmes and the perceptions on them expressed by Bolivian immigrants as part of the survey «Circulation and Return», carried out within the framework of the RETTRANS project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis has started a new migration cycle in Spain. As an effect of the restrictive measures taken and the depth of the crisis, migrant inflows have reduced and outflows have increased, the latter especially among Latin Americans. This paper explores the impact of the crisis on migrant people and their families in terms of unemployment, of declining living conditions, and of legal uncertainty. In this situation, a growing minority of immigrants, particularly Latin Americans, implement transnational strategies such as return, circular migration and others. Notwithstanding this, most immigrants are facing the crisis here, combining work, social and family strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the dynamics of the reconfiguration of Bolivian migratory fields in the context of the crisis affecting European destination countries. At a global level, we show how the 2008 worldwide economic crisis, and, in particular, its severity in Spain, has reoriented Bolivian migratory flows towards regional Latin American destinations: economies undergoing larger relative growth, such as Brazil and Chile, are newer destinations, while migration to Argentina has a long history. In a more qualitative approach, based on fieldwork interviews with Bolivian migrants in Spain, we explore the key factors that determine migratory strategies: whether to stay, return or re-emigrate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article links a theoretical approach focused on the political theory of nonviolent action with an empirical analysis of the events that have occurred during the colour revolutions. The paper takes a detailed look at the repertoire of political struggle deployed by the social movement Otpor ('Resistance') during the Black Revolution in Serbia in 2000. This repertoire mainly included methods of protest and persuasion, and others of noncooperation and nonviolent intervention, inspired by the ideas of Gene Sharp. Otpor was the first movement in the revolutionary wave between 2000 and 2005 in the Eurasian space that implemented these methods, thereby becoming the model of action for other social movements participating in the colour revolutions, in many squares in the Arab Spring and even in 15-M. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the emergence of transnational activism in the context of collective action organised around socio-environmental conflicts in Chile's indigenous areas. It details the main events in the process of indigenous mobilisation in the form of three emblematic cases carried out on an international scale, together with their implications for the national political arena. The author explains how, after the indigenous people's demands were blocked at home, they then mobilised abroad, where they raised awareness over their situation and called for justice in the international courts. Finally, at the local level the paper identifies the inclusion of global frameworks related to the human rights to the indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of regional institutions and political practices in strengthening multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation regimes. Particular attention is devoted to coordination between Brazil and Argentina with a view to forging a "South American position" visavis the Biological and Toxins Weapons Convention (BTWC). Empirical evidence suggests that informal arrangements between the two countries were capable of involving other South American leaders and promoting the exchange of information among different groups of states, most notably during the 2006 BTWC review conference. This paper also sheds light on the identification of specific features that allow for increasing visibility and actorness of regional powers in promoting universality of multilateral security regimes (MSR), as well as the limitations faced by these players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a critical examination of the management of irregular migration flows in Spain and the legal principles and administrative practices implemented by the State in the process of expulsion that legitimise the existence of Immigrant Detention Centres (CIE). It also provides a description of the current situation of the CIE, and reports on the most recent proposals made by the Spanish government to improve the management of CIE in response to pressure exerted by civil society organisations, especially after public protests regarding the death of two inmates in December 2011 and January 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2004, the Conference for EU-Related Affairs (CARUE) approved two agreements governing the participation of the autonomous communities in the Council of the European Union and its preparatory bodies. After more than seven years of implementation, the system is not bringing the expected results. The problems identified in practice in a context, moreover, of institutional and economic crisis, call for new approaches. The following paper analyses the main obstacles that have arisen since the implementation of the 2004 agreements with a view to determining future prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, there is an important consensus regarding the fact that regions have lost their attraction in terms of European studies. This leads us to the following paradox: while the metaphor "Europe of the Regions" that had such great resonance in the 1990s has become discredited, the degree of regional commitment with the EU has been constantly rising. Nowadays, the EU is enmeshed in a crisis that is not only of an economic and financial nature, but also a crisis of democracy. In this context, it seems appropriate to 'recover' this study on the role of regions in the European system of governance. This paper alms, on the one hand, to review the evolution of the role of regions in the European system of governance, and on the other, to explore the way in which this role has been dealt with in the European integration literature. Its ultimate goal is to understand what the future prospects are for regions within the integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the time of the 10th anniversary of the opening of the detention centre in Guantanamo Bay, many are wondering about the reasons of its very existence in a country that purports to be the defender of the rule of law and human rights. To answer this question, this paper reviews the development of the regulations (both US and international humanitarian law) that are applied to the detainees. It also examines the violations of basic principles of law that have occurred and continue to occur, such as denial of access to ordinary courts and the right to a trial in case of detention, as well as breaches of the protections and guarantees provided by international humanitarian law. Finally, the author analyses the reasons that have allowed the centre to remain in operation despite President Obama's pledge to close it, which he made early on in his term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last years, Brazil has gained international visibility especially due to the capacity of its economical development and the progress of its public policies on fighting poverty. Though there reason for celebration exists with respect to the country's recent achievements, Brazil still has a lot to do if it wants to gain international prominence. In this paper we address two issues that are fundamental for Brazil to achieve real leadership: education and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the author argues that Russian policy- and opinion-makers, having borrowed the concept of multipolarity from the (neo)realist vocabulary, very often they use it in a much broader sense of narratives on Russian identity and subjectivity and, therefore, attach to it quite different non-realist meanings, which include issues of identity and non-state actorship. What hides beneath the pretended realist wording of Russian discourse is a much more complicated and variegated -though not always consistent- set of policy imageries. Against this background, the Russian discourse on multipolarity reminds a patchwork of scattered and loosely tied "cognitive maps", based upon -and sustained by- certain visions of the world in the diversity of its actors. Since multipolarity originates in the sphere of ideas, it would be quite logical to assume that at certain time there might be more than one pattern of multipolar arrangements. Each of them gives a different answer to the question of what poles, nation states, regions, civilizations, or integrative constructs like EU and CIS are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Customary approaches have made important contributions to efforts to resolve the decades-old Casamance conflict, though not always in the way intended or claimed by their proponents or outside observers. In this paper, three customary approaches are discussed: highly localised efforts by customary leaders or institutions (for instance, the Jola-Huluf king); attempts to utilise or expand their authority (Usana priestesses); and efforts to (re)invent a mythic-history as a customary basis for a harmonious community (the Association Culturelle Aguène-Diambogne). By offering a mixed assessment as to the extent to which these approaches succeeded in promoting conflict resolution in Casamance, we analyse the contexts in which customary approaches can promote peace, while arguing that they are more likely to complement conventional forms of conflict resolution than constitute an alternative to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's rapid economic growth and increased openness has been one of the most significant developments in the global economy over the past 25 years. This paper analyses Chinas impacts on the Latin American economies, and in particular the challenges that China poses for the region. It discusses both the direct impacts arising from bilateral trade and investment flows between China and Latin America, the indirect impacts associated with Chinese competition in export markets and for foreign direct investment, and the positive terms of trade effects resulting from Chinas increased demand for raw materials. Challenges identified include the recent rapid increase of competition from Chinese imports in the Latin American market, the concentration of exports to China in a narrow range of primary products and the uneven distribution of profits from trade with China within Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]