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Para entender se o processo de integração regional pode ser um mecanismo para o provimento de bens públicos regionais, parte-se do modelo de Olson (1965) que identifica as variáveis relevantes para compreender como os membros de um grupo superam seus dilemas de ação coletiva. A comparação entre Mercosul e CAN no tocante ao tráfico de drogas possibilita concluir que em ambos os acordos há provimento subótimo de segurança pública, ainda que o Mercosul apresente alguns avanços relativamente à CAN.

Baseado no estudo de caso da União Européia e Mercosul, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar certas questões decorrentes da articulação do quadro normativo oriundo dos órgãos conjuntos de integração regional, com as ordens jurídicas nacionais baseadas no princípio da soberania do estado.Based on the case study of European Union and the Mercosur, the purpose of the present paper is to analyze and discuss certain issues emerging from the articulation of a normative framework stemming from the join organs of integration with national juridical orderings based on the principle of state sovereignty.

No trabalho são desenvolvidos indicadores de integração regional com o principal objetivo de apresentar uma analise multidimensional do Mercosul no período de 1991 a 2006. A pesquisa parte da premissa que o Mercosul não é um caso sui generis de integração regional, e sim um exemplo de organização de integração regional assim como, por exemplo, a União Européia ou a Comunidade Andina de Nações. Assim, embora os indicadores sejam desenvolvidos para serem aplicados no Mercosul, eles poderiam potencialmente ser aplicados para outros casos de processos de integração regional.The present work develops indicators of regional integration in order to conduct a multidimensional analysis of Mercosur in the period of 1991 to 2006. One premise is that Mercosur cannot be considered a sui generis case but an example of regional integration organization such as the European Union or the Andean Community of Nations. In that sense, although the indicators are developed to be applied in Mercosur, they could be applied in other organizations of regional integration.

A economia informal no Brasil ligando esse país à Guiana, ao Suriname, à Venezuela e à Guiana Francesa permite pensar numa Amazônia brasileiro-caribenha. O Suriname e a Guiana, essa última sede do CARICOM, convivem com fluxos migratórios de garimpeiros brasileiros fugitivos do desemprego. A economia clandestina dá o seu tom à geopolítica cultural e é mais eficiente, que a diplomacia, em estimular a aproximação entre os países caribenhos.The Informal economy in Brazil creates strong linkages between the country and Guyana, Surinam, Venezuela and the French Guyana. For this reason it allows us to think of a Caribbean-Brazilian Amazon. Both Surinam and Guyana, the latter a host to CARICOM, deal with migration flows of Brazilian miners escaping unemployment. The clandestine economy sets the stage for cultural geopolitics and is more efficient than diplomacy in bringing Caribbean countries closer together.

The article discusses if nationalism is getting in the way of regional integration through a Brazilian prism due to Brazil’s pivotal role in regional integration in Mercosur and South America.No artigo se discute o papel do nacionalismo na integração regional, a partir da perspectiva do Brasil, considerando o seu papel protagônico nos processos de integração do Mercosul e da América do Sul.

No artigo se procura demonstrar que o horizonte regional do Brasil delimitou-se, nos últimos anos, pela América do Sul, tendo se respaldado por uma séria de ações que operacionalizam a retórica diplomática e vão além da esfera econômico-comercial. A pesquisa aponta, entretanto, que a América do Sul ainda é uma região em construção e iniciativas como a do Brasil podem fortalecer esse processo.This article seeks to show that South America characterizes the actual Brazil’s regional horizon. The Brazil’s foreign policy implements several actions that lend a practical face to the diplomatic rhetorical and surpass the economic-commercial sphere. Therefore, the research points that South America is still a region in construction, and Estates’ initiatives, as Brazilian’s, can deeply contribute to this process.

O artigo destaca a continuidade na política exterior do Brasil, identificando duas vertentes principais: participar ativamente do ordenamento mundial e tornar-se ator central no cenário internacional, tomando como importante referência o Mercosul e a construção de parcerias estratégicas - pautadas sobretudo no desenvolvimento econômico. As relações com a Argentina, da competição à integração, são destacadas na agenda de relações econômicas internacionais. O Brasil, nesse contexto, representa potência regional ante a América Latina e potência média ante o restante do mundo.The article highlights the continuity of the actions of the Brazilian external policy, identifying two main slopes: to participate actively in the world order and become a central actor in the international scenery, taking as important reference Mercosur and the construction of strategic partnerships - based mainly in the economic development. The relations with Argentina, from competition to integration, are outstanding in the agenda of international economic relations. In this context, Brazil represents a regional power in the ambit of Latin America, and a medium power in the ambit of the world.

Este artigo busca identificar os fatores que concorrem para explicar a mudança no eixo entre a Argentina e o Brasil, no começo da década de 1980, quando as duas diplomacias convergiram em um projeto de integração inovador. O argumento apresentado defende que a aproximação entre os dois países foi o legado, inesperado, do relacionamento bilateral ao longo da gestão do Presidente Geisel (1974-1979).This article aims at identifying which factors lay behind the sudden change in Argentine-Brazilian relations in the early 1980s, when their foreign policies converged into an innovative integration project. The argument put forward is that convergence between the two countries was the unintended legacy of their bilateral interaction during President Geisel's administration (1974-1979).

Este artigo procura mostrar que a Argentina não está numa encruzilhada na sua política externa, tendo que escolher entre Mercosul ou Alca. Ao contrário, a Argentina vê o Mercosul como um caminho que leva à Alca, afirmando uma posição que se tornou possível depois da confluência de outros fatores, como a posição brasileira frente a Alca e o modelo de integração regional proposta para o Mercosul.This article seeks to show that Argentina is not in crossroads in your foreign policy, having to choose between Mercosur and FTAA. In contrast, Argentina sees Mercosur as a way that leads to FTAA, affirming a position that become possible after a confluence of others factors, as the Brazilian position front Alca and the model of regional integration proposal for Mercosur.

Este trabalho tenciona ser uma reflexão sobre a importância da aproximação entre o Brasil e a Argentina no campo nuclear, na segunda metade da década de 80 e no início dos anos 90, como fundamento para a construção de um relacionamento novo que suplantou uma rivalidade histórica entre ambos. O processo de aproximação encetado com um propósito aparentemente econômico, tinha uma dimensão estratégica. As repercussões desse esforço iam além dos interesses bilaterais imediatos e se refletiram na busca de uma nova inserção internacional dos dois países, num momento de transformações profundas nos planos interno e internacional. Através do programa de integração Brasil-Argentina (que mais tarde também envolveu o Uruguai) e do MERCOSUL buscou-se estabelecer uma arquitetura político-jurídica, que criou uma realidade que extrapola o campo econômico e projeta-se no terreno político.This paper aims to be a reflection on the importance of the Brazil and Argentina closer relations in the nuclear field, in the late eighties and early nineties, as the basis for building a new relationship that replaced a historical rivalry. The aproximation process has begun with apparently economic purposes, but also had a strategic dimension. The repercussions of this effort went beyond immediate bilateral interests, reflected in the search for a new international insertion by both countries, at a time of deep transformations, both internally and internationally. The Brazil-Argentina integration program (that later also involved Uruguay) and MERCOSUL led to the establishment of a political-legal structure that created a reality that goes beyond economics to the political domain.

In order to understand if the regional integration process can be a mechanism for the provision of regional public goods, we started with the model by Olson (1965), who identifies the relevant variables for understanding how group members overcome their collective action dilemmas. Mercosur's and Andean Community's comparison regarding drug trafficking allows for the conclusion that in both agreements there is a suboptimal provision of public security, even though Mercosur presents a slight greater progress than the Andean Community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the case study of European Union and the Mercosur, the purpose of the present paper is to analyze and discuss certain issues emerging from the articulation of a normative framework stemming from the join organs of integration with national juridical orderings based on the principle of state sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work develops indicators of regional integration in order to conduct a multidimensional analysis of Mercosur in the period of 1991 to 2006. One premise is that Mercosur cannot be considered a sui generis case but an example of regional integration organization such as the European Union or the Andean Community of Nations. In that sense, although the indicators are developed to be applied in Mercosur, they could be applied in other organizations of regional integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Informal economy in Brazil creates strong linkages between the country and Guyana, Surinam, Venezuela and the French Guyana. For this reason it allows us to think of a Caribbean-Brazilian Amazon. Both Surinam and Guyana, the latter a host to CARICOM, deal with migration flows of Brazilian miners escaping unemployment. The clandestine economy sets the stage for cultural geopolitics and is more efficient than diplomacy in bringing Caribbean countries closer together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses if nationalism is getting in the way of regional integration through a Brazilian prism due to Brazil's pivotal role in regional integration in Mercosur and South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to show that South America characterizes the actual Brazil's regional horizon. The Brazil's foreign policy implements several actions that lend a practical face to the diplomatic rhetorical and surpass the economic-commercial sphere. Therefore, the research points that South America is still a region in construction, and Estates' initiatives, as Brazilian's, can deeply contribute to this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the continuity of the actions of the Brazilian external policy, identifying two main slopes: to participate actively in the world order and become a central actor in the international scenery, taking as important reference Mercosur and the construction of strategic partnerships - based mainly in the economic development. The relations with Argentina, from competition to integration, are outstanding in the agenda of international economic relations. In this context, Brazil represents a regional power in the ambit of Latin America, and a medium power in the ambit of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to show that Argentina is not in crossroads in your foreign policy, having to choose between Mercosur and FTAA. In contrast, Argentina sees Mercosur as a way that leads to FTAA, affirming a position that become possible after a confluence of others factors, as the Brazilian position front Alca and the model of regional integration proposal for Mercosur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to be a reflection on the importance of the Brazil and Argentina closer relations in the nuclear field, in the late eighties and early nineties, as the basis for building a new relationship that replaced a historical rivalry. The aproximation process has begun with apparently economic purposes, but also had a strategic dimension. The repercussions of this effort went beyond immediate bilateral interests, reflected in the search for a new international insertion by both countries, at a time of deep transformations, both internally and internationally. The Brazil-Argentina integration program (that later also involved Uruguay) and MERCOSUL led to the establishment of a political-legal structure that created a reality that goes beyond economics to the political domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]