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This paper examines the most significant processes of securitization and desecuritization occurring at the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) from its inception in 2008 until 2017, when UNASUR began to experience a gridlock. The analysis begins with the hypotheses of desecuritization of armed conflict among the South American countries, as well as their approach to problems drug-related. To this end, the paper is based on a critical theory of security with focus on securitization, and offers an expanded and/or discursive conception of security that goes beyond the military dimension.

The paper examines Brazilians’ attitudes toward the BRICS, verifying whether the soft balancing strategy finds support on public opinion, by using survey data from the Brazil, the Americas and the World Project. Results indicate that the attitudes toward the BRICS countries are similar to those toward other relevant partners. Moreover, attitudes toward the BRICS are not associated with a rejection of the US, which points to the possibility of soft-balancing having support in national public opinion.

This paper discusses the crisis in regional governance in South America from 2017 onwards by analyzing Unasur’s disintegration and the emergence of new arrangements (the Lima Group, Prosur, and the Leticia Pact), as well as the regional and global conditions that enabled them. We assessed their performance in responding to different crises in South America, concluding that the constraints and challenges they faced jeopardize their aim to prosper in the future. Special attention is given to changes in Brazilian foreign policy guidelines toward South America, which contributed to these outcomes.

Over the past decade a number of changes can be observed within the development policy system. This paper presents and discusses these changes along three dimensions: narratives, strategies and operational approaches. Changes are manifold, ranging from the application of new narratives, such as the migration narrative, to alternations in strategic objectives (e.g. developing countries’ graduation issues), new instruments (in the form of development finance at the interface with the private sector), and the application of new concepts for project implementation (e.g. through frontier technologies). We discuss the implications and effects of these changes for the current and potential future role of the development policy system, as well as preliminary ideas for a concept of global co-operation for sustainable development (GCSD), spanning beyond the development policy system.

This paper focuses on secretaries-general, given their relative centrality in international politics, as they embody the power to explore institutional and personal agendas, and enjoy the chance to seek prestige for a country or region. Through descriptive statistics, this article analyzes the distribution of secretaries-general per country, reaching some noteworthy findings, especially regarding sharp changes in recent years.

How can environmental conservation policies integrate concerns for the health and well-being of people whose livelihoods rely directly on nature? How to best operationalize science-policy interfaces to improve evidence-based decision-making? This paper raises policy implications deriving from the poor connectivity between human health and environmental conservation, suggesting the emerging field of “planetary health” as a rich field of research for International Relations scholars.

Na última década, mudanças e inovações foram introduzidas nas redes intergovernamentais de política externa. Novas potências como Brasil adquiriram um peso relativo devido ao seu novo status atuando como definidor de agendas, moderador e construtor de coalizões. Esse artigo examina a relevância de diferentes redes de política externa como o Fórum Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBAS) e Brasil-África do Sul-Índia-China (BASIC) para a política externa brasileira desde 2003. In the past decade, change and innovation have been induced through intergovernmental foreign policy networks. New powers like Brazil have gained relative weight due to their status as agenda-setters, brokers, and coalition-builders. This paper examines the relevance of different foreign policy networks such as India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) and Brazil-South Africa-India-China (BASIC) for the Brazilian foreign policy since 2003.

This article explores the role of the European Union in the human rights protection, implementation and promotion in Serbia. It is clear that the EU demands on democratisation in the region of Western Balkans are crucial to achieve the respect for human rights. The human rights standards as part of the conditionality criteria of the EU is a clear message towards the countries aspiring membership. However, Serbia progress in the field has been difficult due to several internal constraints. This paper aims to uncover the democratisation process of Serbia on its path towards the EU, and its progress (or not) regarding human rights protection and implementation.

O artigo aborda a evolução das relações bilaterais entre o Brasil e o Suriname durante a primeira metade da década de 1980, e especificamente o processo de tomada de decisão que culminou com o envio da assim chamada missão Venturini ao Suriname. O texto fundamentase em evidência documental primária resgatada em dois arquivos brasileiros. Conclui-se que os objetivos fundamentais propostos pelo governo brasileiro com relação ao Suriname - então controlado pelo comandante Desiré Delano Bouterse - foram alcançados, particularmente no que diz respeito a evitar a instalação do conflito Leste-Oeste na sensível fronteira norte do país e na região amazônica, em geral. The paper explores the evolution of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Suriname during the 1980s, especially with the so-called Venturini mission to Suriname. The text uses original documents from two Brazilian archives. The article shows that the main goals of Figueiredo's administration with respect to Suriname were fulfilled, especially concerning the avoidance of an East-West conflict in the sensitive north frontier of the country and in the Amazon region.

The central goal of this paper is thinking about the Brazilian military power and its linking to the international ambitions of the country in the 21st century. After a comparative analysis to other BRICs and with a historical one about Brazil's strategic irrelevance, we aim to establish what the minimum military capacity Brazil would need in order to meet the country's latest international interests. Similarly, it will be discussed if the National Strategy of Defense, approved in 2008, and the recent strategic agreements signed with France represent one more step toward this minimum military capacity.

Submitted by Guilherme Lemeszenski (guilherme@nead.unesp.br) on 2013-08-22T18:59:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 S0034-73292008000100001.pdf: 189485 bytes, checksum: a0b6bc4819472d6e76bc22bfac069154 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-22T18:59:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 S0034-73292008000100001.pdf: 189485 bytes, checksum: a0b6bc4819472d6e76bc22bfac069154 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-01 Made available in DSpace on 2013-09-30T19:56:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 S0034-73292008000100001.pdf: 189485 bytes, checksum: a0b6bc4819472d6e76bc22bfac069154 (MD5) S0034-73292008000100001.pdf.txt: 73439 bytes, checksum: 702b7845ae8a29de93414ea8d7a11d46 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-01 Submitted by Vitor Silverio Rodrigues (vitorsrodrigues@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2014-05-20T13:31:03Z No. of bitstreams: 2 S0034-73292008000100001.pdf: 189485 bytes, checksum: a0b6bc4819472d6e76bc22bfac069154 (MD5) S0034-73292008000100001.pdf.txt: 73439 bytes, checksum: 702b7845ae8a29de93414ea8d7a11d46 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-20T13:31:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 S0034-73292008000100001.pdf: 189485 bytes, checksum: a0b6bc4819472d6e76bc22bfac069154 (MD5) S0034-73292008000100001.pdf.txt: 73439 bytes, checksum: 702b7845ae8a29de93414ea8d7a11d46 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-01 O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o significado do Mercosul para a política exterior do Brasil. Para isso, discutiremos as percepções das elites brasileiras em relação ao processo de integração regional. A defesa do princípio da intergovernamentalidade está ligada à concepção do lugar do Mercosul nas relações internacionais do país. A grande valorização de princípios como o do universalismo e o de soberania acaba afetando o aprofundamento da integração. A hipótese deste trabalho é que a estrutura do Mercosul seria condizente com as percepções de parte das elites brasileiras. Argumentaremos que a estrutura atual é insuficiente para garantir a dinâmica da integração. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of Mercosur for the Brazilian foreign policy. We will discuss the perception of the Brazilian elites concerning the regional integration process. The defense of the principle of intergovernmentalism is related to the conception of Mercosur's place in the set of Brazilian international relations. The huge valuation of some principles, as universalism and sovereignty, ends up by affecting the deepening of integration. The hypothesis of this paper is that the Mercosur structure would be related with part of Brazilian elite's perceptions. Our argument is that the current structure is insufficient to guarantee the dynamics of the integration. Universidade Estadual Paulista Universidade de São Paulo Universidade Estadual Paulista