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Postfeminism is a neoliberal discursive formation that has characterized contemporary cultural products and propagated a highly conservative mode of empowerment that undermines feminist causes. Research has shown that postfeminism obscures the causes of gender inequality and how they overlap with other categories of oppression that intersectional feminism has sought to address. Although advertising is a recurrent object of study in feminist research focused on this issue, institutional communication is still little studied in this regard. To identify dimensions of this phenomenon, in this study we examine, from a qualitatively oriented content analysis, the digital communication conducted by Brazilian brands on their LinkedIn pages on International Women's Day. The results are unpromising, as they account for the dominance of post-feminism in corporate rhetoric. We discuss them showing, through a case study, how organizational communication can also contribute to the intersectional feminism agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to verify if and how intersectionality is present in the documents that guide public policies for women in Teresina/PI and how it was introduced. Two documents were analyzed, formulated in 2015 and 2018, and interviews were carried out with four managers. The research concluded that the documents do not mention intersectionality, however, they formally adopt such a perspective, albeit in a limited way. The incorporation of this limited perspective was made possible by the hiring of a specialist by the city hall, in addition to being one of the guidelines of the Conferences of Rights adopted by the managers. The research problematizes this formal and limited incorporation of intersectionality, taking up criticisms of black feminism that point out the need for non-white women to participate in the formulation of collective decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elza da Conceição Soares (1930 - 2022), renowned interpreter of the national songbook, brings in her performance the cry of millions of Brazilians who were born in poverty, struggled and struggle every day for conditions to simply survive. In a country constituted by an authoritarian plan that provides the most diverse forms of inequality for its citizens (SCHWARCZ, 2019), Elza Soares subverted the maxim of white-cishetero-patriarchal society by using her unique vocal timbre as a means of subsistence, not only for you, but for the whole family. In this work, we will highlight the way in which Elza used her body to fight against all the violence she was victim of because she was a woman, black, poor in a misogynist, racist and classist society, which does not value the national culture. In her nearly 70-year career, from the visionary breakin of Ary Barroso, when declaring that in her show "a star was born" to the honors received in awards and public recognition, we will search through her latest albums, "A Mulher do Fim do Mundo" (2015), Deus é Mulher (2018) and Planeta Fome (2019), confirm the eminent contribution of her artistic vocation to gender, class and race struggles in Brazilian society, with what we call "survival performance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a post-colonial perspective, this article aims to promote an articulation between the concepts of "Third Space" by Homi K. Bhabha (1998) and "Space-Off" (1987), by Teresa de Lauretis, in order to strengthen the intersection between factors such as race, ethnicity and gender in the area of Cultural Studies, promoting crossings in Gender Studies, as well as in Literary Studies. Ana de Amsterdam (2015), by Ana Cássia Rebelo, a Portuguese writer born in Mozambique, was selected as a support to relate the theoretical definitions mentioned above. This choice is related to the hybrid identity revealed in the author's experiences and writing, as well as in the format of her work. At the end of the writing, it was concluded that the approximation between the concepts opposes deeper reflections on the colonizing oppressions, enabling new looks and new strategies for deconstructing arbitrary patterns that pursue disadvantaged subjects in a patriarchal capitalist system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to verify if and how intersectionality is present in the documents that guide public policies for women in Teresina/PI and how it was introduced. Two documents were analyzed, formulated in 2015 and 2018, and interviews were carried out with four managers. The research concluded that the documents do not mention intersectionality, however, they formally adopt such a perspective, albeit in a limited way. The incorporation of this limited perspective was made possible by the hiring of a specialist by the city hall, in addition to being one of the guidelines of the Conferences of Rights adopted by the managers. The research problematizes this formal and limited incorporation of intersectionality, taking up criticisms of black feminism that point out the need for non-white women to participate in the formulation of collective decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The feminist movement became popular with the propagation of content, provided by the advent of the Internet. However, it is observed that this dissemination of information did not correspond to the deepening of debates and the historical appropriation of feminist movements. Thus, this article aims to rescue the discussion about the foundation of feminist struggles in the patriarchal society and revisit the historical landmarks of feminism as a movement to fight and combat various forms of oppression. For that, she used a literature review, with the intention of understanding the structuring of the feminist movement, which is characterized as a fluid and constantly changing collective. Thus, as a final result, it was observed that the discussion on feminism cannot take place in a superficial and fickle way, since it has a consistent socio-historical construction and a broad content of actions and theoretical references that support the movement of fight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the psychiatric and institutional practices aimed at crazy and poor women in the first decades of the Brazilian republic. It also circumscribes what was characterized as feminine madness and reflects on how this conceptualization interacts with other discourses that define the period. To this end, it analyzes 24 medical records of the patients transferred from the National Hospital to the first exclusively female psychiatric institution, the Colony of Engenho de Dentro Psychopaths. The information from these documents was complemented by others, located in the National Archives and IPUB, such as: memos, requests, reports and correspondence that narrate daily aspects of the colony. Data analysis is based on the concept of intersectionality, a category that incorporates one of the central axes of feminist epistemology. Through the results, it is possible to analyze the action of the interconnected institutional powers in the treatment processes aimed at hospitalized women and how much they reflect the patriarchal, classist, and slave aspects of Brazilian society at that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black feminisms have been giving a great service to feminist epistemologies and studies on racism. By stressing the omission of white feminism against anti-racist standards, black women exposed the fragility of universalist tendencies. The invitation here, inspired by a preliminary review of the literature, is the immersion in the patterns, protagonism and production of knowledge of and about black women, from the speaking place of a black woman. The decolonial perspective is used in this article as a theoretical path that evidences the urgency of giving visibility and guaranteeing the right to voice to black women, without disregarding the social class cut, the objective is to value narratives and subalternized subjectivities. In this sense, we conclude that the decolonial, racialized and gendered option offers more foundation for the analysis of social structures from and for those who struggle for the right to voice, listening and visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I will explore, among other issues, the intertwining of the colonial moment, the politics of fieldwork, and the politics of representation in feminist scholarship and development studies by revisiting the processes of theory making and knowledge construction in an environment of unequal power relations and cultural difference. I will use the different features and methods of feminist engagement in Africa to propose what I call nego-feminism (the feminism of negotiation; no ego feminism) as a term that names African feminisms. Aware of a practice (feminism in Africa) that is as diverse as the continent itself, I propose nego-feminism not to occlude the diversity but to argue that a recurrent feature in many African cultures can be used to name the practice. Moreover, I will address issues of disciplinary boundaries, pedagogy, and institution building in an atmosphere of intense NGO activities bound and structured by donor interests, conditionalities, and politics. Ultimately, I will plead for the interrogation and repositioning of two crucial issues in feminist studies--positionality and intersectionality. Finally, this paper will also envisage a modulated shift in focus of the intersectionality of race, gender, class, ethnicity, sexuality, religion, culture, national origin, and so forth, from ontological considerations (being there) to functional imperatives (doing what there) and speak to the important issues of equality and reciprocity in the intersecting and border crossing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to propose reflections on feminism as a praxis deployed from the artistic and political strategies of language use, starting from the notion of artistic representation and the example of a work with the collective Bárbara Idade (theater group composed of senescent actresses) and some literary references used for the creation of this dramaturgy in parallel with the thought of Butler (2013); Adichie (2009; 2015); Preciado (2014); Hanisch (2000), among others, in order to strengthen effective intersectionalities beyond the specific demands of groups within feminism (transgender women, ethnic and black woman; lesbians) with the aim of provoking comprehensive and plural feminist thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]