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Ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, various voices in the Russian public sphere have been trying to make sense of Russia's new place in the world, its geopolitical horizons, and the identity of its people. One of the dominant trends that have emerged is Orthodox imperialism, which combines religious symbols and narratives with a geopolitical vision of Russian expansion and "reunification". This article provides an overview of the Russian Orthodox imperialist voices, analysing the political norms and identities they have enabled. Our investigation shows that by advancing a programme that combines geopolitical restoration and eschatological religious mission, Orthodox imperialism offers an ideological solution to the problem of Russia's lost great-power status. This solution, however, does not envisage a bright future for Russia or the world. On the contrary, it remains firmly fixated on the past, foretelling of an apocalyptic disaster if Moscow does not regain its former imperial glory and exercise its divine role as a "restrainer" to any global domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion has become an increasingly pronounced force in American politics, most notably among White evangelicals, nearly two-thirds of whom identify with Christian nationalism. This group contends that conservative, biblically rooted Christian values should determine the social and cultural landscape of our society and seeks to pass laws that help actualize this goal. This article explores the fundamental beliefs that enable White evangelicalism's compatibility with Christian nationalism. More specifically, it considers how the myth of America's Christian origins prompts a yearning for Christendom that—when coupled with a theological shift from a strict non-interventionist two kingdoms doctrine to a more fluid conception of kingdoms and laws—allows White evangelicals to cordon off Jesus's life and teachings from their political activities. This relegation of Jesus to the Christian's spiritual life enables White evangelicals to pursue a Christian ordering of society that is estranged from the person of Christ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to examine the process by which han was established as a core emotion in salpurichum (salpuri dance), and uncover the background and triggers leading to its formation. From the early 20th century to the early 1960s, salpurichum was known as the "impromptu", "heoteun", and "handkerchief" dance, and it included an aspect of playfulness. However, since the mid-1960s, it has been increasingly interpreted as an expression of women's sorrow, reflecting the view that the tradition encapsulates women's suffering. In the 1980s, in the wake of the shamanic origin hypothesis proposed by Byeong-ho Jeong, the historical value of salpurichum was legitimized. It was performed at protests and was used as a shamanistic dance in accordance with this hypothesis. Accordingly, it began to be interpreted as a women's and national han. Concurrently, the authoritarian government promoted shamanism as part of Korea's indigenous identity during the 1988 Seoul Olympics, with salpurichum emerging as a representative traditional dance imbued with han. Therefore, the incorporation of han into salpurichum can be seen as a result of the nationalist political agendas advanced by two opposing groups. After salpurichum was designated as a national intangible heritage in 1990, han was academically completed and salpurichum became institutionalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Israel's founding, being a "Jewish state" has been central to its self-representation. However, Israel has struggled to identify what that means. This article examines the strength of Jewish nationalism in Jewish Israeli public opinion. It draws on a recent survey of 200 Jewish Israelis for a qualitative and quantitative investigation of public responses to religious nationalist statements. These findings offer a utilizable survey short scale for measuring Jewish nationalism and to understand how Jewish Israelis are interpreting these statements. This study is a necessary step to empirically evaluating religious nationalism in the "Jewish state". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Friedrich Schleiermacher emerged as a prominent advocate for German nationalism in the Wars of Liberation from Napoleonic domination in the early nineteenth century. Alongside his work as a pastor and theologian in Berlin, and also as the co-founder of the University of Berlin, Schleiermacher developed German nationalism from a distinctly Protestant perspective, one that sought the preservation of Protestantism in the German lands under Napoleonic domination. While it would be an overstatement to suggest that Schleiermacher's nationalism was anti-Catholic, he certainly sought to preserve and maintain Protestantism in the German lands. His vision of the German nation-state emphasized Germany's role as a divine instrument of God's will in the world. He assumed the cultural unity of the peoples in German lands, that is, an area of land in which the peoples are bound together by the common use of the German language. In his distinct role as a pastor, theologian, and academic, he was devoted to the cultivation of German national consciousness and the establishment of a German nation-state. Schleiermacher's work would help to provide a cultural foundation for the emergence of the German nation-state more than half a century before the establishment of the German empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Pierre Bayle (1647–1706) is not merely a theorist of religious toleration but also a theorist of religious radicalization. By exploring how religious dissenters experienced religious conformity as a kind of mental and spiritual torture akin to conventional forms of corporeal punishment, I demonstrate that Bayle's influential defense of toleration and liberty of conscience hinges on his account of the psychological mechanism of religious radicalization. Demands for religious conformity do not convince dissenters of their error but of their lack of zeal for their faith. Bayle's plea for toleration, more broadly, urges us to reflect on the ways that we invite those who are different from us into dialogue or risk alienating them even further, an urgent concern today as extremist religious and nationalist views are on the rise across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Johann Gottlieb Fichte's philosophy of religion combines revolutionary pathos with Christian convictions and transcendental philosophical insights. The result is a bourgeois philosophy of religion that preaches freedom, equality and brotherhood, expects the national upswing of a still-longed-for Germany based on the example of revolutionary France, and praises all this as a continuation of Kant's philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the role of selected motifs of prayer depicted in the works of first-wave Russian emigrants in the creation of a certain type of national mythology. The starting point of the considerations is a reflection on the status of emigrant literature at the time of its creation, during the period of political changes in the Soviet bloc, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and today. From the beginning, émigré literature has served as a certain treasury of images and symbols, which are treated as necessary elements for maintaining the national identity of emigrants. The article presents selected motifs from the works of Ivan Shmelev's The Year of the Lord and Pilgrimage, and Boris Zaitsev's Saint Sergius of Radonezh, showing prayer as an element of ritual, as a collective request, and as an act of deep contact with God. The analysis of the selected examples shows that regardless of the literary form, narrative perspective, or the way the subject was presented, the writers showed prayer motifs in a patriotic context, while mythologizing pre-revolutionary Russia and bringing the idea of "Holy Rus" to life. In the years following the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been an increased interest in emigrant literature, and the ideas contained therein have proven to be very important for the formation of the new national consciousness of Russians. Today, due to another political change in Russia and its political isolation, émigré literature is of renewed importance in Russian circles. The writers whose works are discussed in this study are regarded as the main Orthodox writers of the twentieth century, and the image of praying Russia is again the basis for building a new national identity. The study concludes with the observation that the value of emigrant literature should be studied in the context of the time of its creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, various voices in the Russian public sphere have been trying to make sense of Russia’s new place in the world, its geopolitical horizons, and the identity of its people. One of the dominant trends that have emerged is Orthodox imperialism, which combines religious symbols and narratives with a geopolitical vision of Russian expansion and “reunification”. This article provides an overview of the Russian Orthodox imperialist voices, analysing the political norms and identities they have enabled. Our investigation shows that by advancing a programme that combines geopolitical restoration and eschatological religious mission, Orthodox imperialism offers an ideological solution to the problem of Russia’s lost great-power status. This solution, however, does not envisage a bright future for Russia or the world. On the contrary, it remains firmly fixated on the past, foretelling of an apocalyptic disaster if Moscow does not regain its former imperial glory and exercise its divine role as a “restrainer” to any global domination.

This article argues that from the end of the 19thcentury, the debate about anti-Semitism became a marker for a wider dispute focusing on the meaning of national identity. Integrating the Jews into the polity was part, and even a justification, of the Enlightenment political project and of the democratic state. However, while the Jewish question was fundamental for politics and philosophy in the Enlightenment, in our time, as the Enlightenment fades, the Muslim question takes its place. This article argues that the goal of integrating Muslims into the Western democratic polity under a culturally blind, egalitarian and secular type of non-discrimination has proven to be unsuccessful. Moreover, rather than pitting racist nationalists against liberal democrats, it has triggered a "civic confrontation" in liberal political thought, between liberal multiculturalists and supporters of religious freedom who understand, on the one hand, and secular democratic integrationists, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to examine the process by which han was established as a core emotion in salpurichum (salpuri dance), and uncover the background and triggers leading to its formation. From the early 20th century to the early 1960s, salpurichum was known as the “impromptu”, “heoteun”, and “handkerchief” dance, and it included an aspect of playfulness. However, since the mid-1960s, it has been increasingly interpreted as an expression of women’s sorrow, reflecting the view that the tradition encapsulates women’s suffering. In the 1980s, in the wake of the shamanic origin hypothesis proposed by Byeong-ho Jeong, the historical value of salpurichum was legitimized. It was performed at protests and was used as a shamanistic dance in accordance with this hypothesis. Accordingly, it began to be interpreted as a women’s and national han. Concurrently, the authoritarian government promoted shamanism as part of Korea’s indigenous identity during the 1988 Seoul Olympics, with salpurichum emerging as a representative traditional dance imbued with han. Therefore, the incorporation of han into salpurichum can be seen as a result of the nationalist political agendas advanced by two opposing groups. After salpurichum was designated as a national intangible heritage in 1990, han was academically completed and salpurichum became institutionalized.

Since Israel’s founding, being a “Jewish state” has been central to its self-representation. However, Israel has struggled to identify what that means. This article examines the strength of Jewish nationalism in Jewish Israeli public opinion. It draws on a recent survey of 200 Jewish Israelis for a qualitative and quantitative investigation of public responses to religious nationalist statements. These findings offer a utilizable survey short scale for measuring Jewish nationalism and to understand how Jewish Israelis are interpreting these statements. This study is a necessary step to empirically evaluating religious nationalism in the “Jewish state”.

Johann Gottlieb Fichte’s philosophy of religion combines revolutionary pathos with Christian convictions and transcendental philosophical insights. The result is a bourgeois philosophy of religion that preaches freedom, equality and brotherhood, expects the national upswing of a still-longed-for Germany based on the example of revolutionary France, and praises all this as a continuation of Kant’s philosophy.

This article argues that from the end of the 19thcentury, the debate about anti-Semitism became a marker for a wider dispute focusing on the meaning of national identity. Integrating the Jews into the polity was part, and even a justification, of the Enlightenment political project and of the democratic state. However, while the Jewish question was fundamental for politics and philosophy in the Enlightenment, in our time, as the Enlightenment fades, the Muslim question takes its place. This article argues that the goal of integrating Muslims into the Western democratic polity under a culturally blind, egalitarian and secular type of non-discrimination has proven to be unsuccessful. Moreover, rather than pitting racist nationalists against liberal democrats, it has triggered a “civic confrontation” in liberal political thought, between liberal multiculturalists and supporters of religious freedom who understand, on the one hand, and secular democratic integrationists, on the other.