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During the Middle Paleolithic in Eurasia, the production of deliberate, abstract engraving on bone or stone materials is a rare phenomenon. It is now widely accepted that both anatomically modern humans and hominins that predate them have produced deliberate engravings associated with symbolic behavior. Within the Levantine Middle Paleolithic context, only five examples of intentional engravings are known thus far. In this paper, we present an aurochs bone fragment that bears six deep, sub-parallel incisions, recovered at the open-air Middle Paleolithic site of Nesher Ramla in Israel. The item, found in an anthropogenic accumulation of artifacts in Unit III of the site, was dated to early Marine Isotope Stage 5 (ca. 120 ka). Unit III is a stratigraphically well-defined layer that is characterized by intense on-site knapping activities with predominance of the centripetal Levallois reduction method and by intense exploitation of aurochs and tortoises. This paper presents a multidisciplinary study of the bone and the incisions, including zooarchaeological, macro- and microscopic analyses, Scanning Electron Microscope analysis and experimental replications. The macroscopic and microscopic attributes of the incisions, and the comparisons with experimental material exclude a taphonomic or utilitarian origin of the incisions. The study indicates that the engravings were most likely produced by a right-handed individual in a single working session. The morphology and characteristics of the incisions, especially the presence of longitudinal polish and striations in one of the incisions, suggest that they were made by a flint artifact, likely retouched. The engraved bone from Unit III at Nesher Ramla is one of the oldest deliberate abstract manifestations produced by Middle Paleolithic and Middle Stone Age hominins and the oldest known so far in the Levant. As such, it has major implications for our understanding of the emergence and early stages of the development of human symbolic behavior.

Sites identified as the Early Upper Palaeolithic (EUP or transitional industries) in Central Europe (CE) have become subject to extensive discussion on the possible interactions between anatomically modern humans and indigenous human species which inhabited the area in the Marine Isotopic Stage 3 (MIS 3, 50–35 ka BP). An open-air site Dzierzyslaw 1 (SW Poland), known for nearly a hundred years, played a crucial role in envisaging scenarios associated with the development and adaptation of the EUP society. In the late 20th c., due to the excavations in the southern part of the site, it was given status of a multicultural site, with artefacts assigned to the Micoquian, Bohunician and Szeletian culture. This paper presents the findings of the multi-faceted revision of this site. We present the results of field work and chronometric analyses based on a new set of samples and archaeological study of archive records. The use of optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) showed that all the sediments of the site should be assigned to the Plenivistulian (MIS 4/3 and MIS 2). The new chronometric assessment indicates the absence of deposits corresponding to the transitional industries' time window. The sedimentological data integrating with spatial distribution of finds and raw material variation as well as state of preservation and typo-technological features of lithic artefacts indicate that the inventory represents a compilation of the late Middle Palaeolithic (MP, Micoquian) and classical Upper Palaeolithic industries (Aurignacian or Gravettian) with very few pieces corresponding with indeterminate EUP industry. The revision throws a light on the situation in the Moravian Gate and areas north of the Carpathians and Sudetes. The results suggest that sites from the late MP are more numerous than those from the EUP. It seems that the over-representation may result from a long time of accumulation during the MP period. It cannot be excluded that the small number of EUP sites reflects a marginal role of the area north of the Sudetes and Carpathians in the human occupation system of that time.

This paper examines an artefact type of unknown function, found in several places across medieval England. These artefacts are mostly made from goose radii, but other species, such as chicken and hare, are also known. The worked radii have often been interpreted as being related to writing, but a closer examination suggests that they are more likely to be awls.

Bird bones are rare finds in Bronze Age excavations in Greece, though, the presence of bird representations in art of the same period is remarkable. This paper examines this paradox from a zooarchaeological perspective. It records and presents the osteological evidence for bird exploitation by Bronze Age communities in Greece and examines the characteristics of the bird bone assemblages, emphasizing the need for nuance and methodological rigor in interpreting these data. This evidence is then viewed against the contemporary birds’ representations record from the same area. From such a comparative approach, a number of similarities and differences emerge regarding the intensity of human-bird interactions, the preferred bird types or the significance of particular types of birds across the study area. Further study of these discrepancies may offer a better understanding of the role of birds in Bronze Age Aegean.

This paper communicates the results of a detailed use-wear analysis of flint tools from Unit III of Nesher Ramla, central Israel, an open-air Middle Paleolithic site, dated to Marine Isotope Stage 5. The analyzed sample consists of 966 artifacts that represent major techno-typological categories; scrapers, tools with a lateral tranchet blow, naturally backed knives and other Middle Paleolithic artifact types. Most tools were associated with bone working activities, mainly scraping and cutting, suggesting both consumption and non-consumption-related practices. Results also suggest extensive butchering activities, but other applications are less common, especially the underrepresentation of armature, and plant and hide working is noteworthy. All in all, these patterns suggest a narrow range of activities. Most tools were used by their sharp edge, while the retouched edges bore weak use-related patterns. It is assumed that in some cases, the retouch served to facilitate the grip. The most widely used tools in Nesher Ramla were the naturally backed knives that according to technological studies were one of the goals of knapping at Nesher Ramla. Tools with a lateral tranchet blow, representing a cultural marker of the Nesher Ramla inhabitants, show evidence of multiple use of both retouched and non-retouched edges shaped by the lateral blow. Hafting traces are relatively rare in the analyzed sample.

This paper focuses on new findings from Middle Paleolithic Geula Cave, Israel, located in the northern part of Mt. Carmel. The cave, consists of several small chambers that are remnants of a larger cave system, initially excavated between 1958 and 1964. The occupation at the cave was ascribed to Middle Paleolithic modern humans. In 2016, a salvage excavation was conducted in areas of the cave that were not previously explored. Analyses of the new excavation revealed a consistency in lithic technology throughout the new excavation areas, with an emphasis on Levallois production using mainly bidirectional and centripetal core preparation modes. The faunal study identified intensive hyena and porcupine activities in small chambers, probably at the back part of the cave, while fractured bones in association with flint artifacts were found at what appears as the living area in the cave. Luminescence ages indicated that Geula Cave was occupied as early as 175 ka, but that the major occupation was from 120 to 100 ka. The major occupation at Geula chronologically overlaps with the Skhul and Qafzeh Caves thus reinforcing the notion that Homo sapiens dominated the southern Levant during early MIS 5. This study demonstrates the importance of reinvestigating and reevaluating past excavated prehistoric sites and their contents to enhance our understanding of the regional, cultural and biological history.

This paper presents a quantitative chronology for the spread of rice, based on the global Rice Chronology Database that builds upon direct datings of archaeological rice remains. Bayesian and spatio-temporal modelling suggest eastern China (lower Yangzi, middle Yangzi, southern Huai River, and Shandong) and northeastern South Asia as two key origins of rice cultivation, dating to ca. 7430 and 6460 BCE, respectively. At least two episodes of spread of rice are identified. The first, dating to the 4th and 3rd millennia BCE, accounts for the appearance of rice in the middle Yellow River and Wei River regions, southeastern China, southwestern China, and Southeast Asia. An examination of population dynamics in China shows that this episode of spread might be associated with farmers whose subsistence was based largely on millets. During a second episode of spread, dating between the 1st millennium BCE and 1st millennium CE, rice spread to the Liao River region, Central Asia, and Africa.

This paper presents the results of the wood charcoal analyses from the Middle Paleolithic open-air site at Nesher Ramla, on the central coastal plain of Israel. The study focuses on the interpretation of the charcoals left by fires used by Middle Paleolithic hominins during early Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 5. Moreover, this study sheds light on the arboreal taxa present in the vegetation and environmental conditions in the southern Levant during the Middle Paleolithic. A small quantity of identifiable charcoals was retrieved from the 8-m-thick archaeological sequence of the site (Units II to VI). The largest charcoal assemblage was recovered from part of the sequence dated to MIS 5e. The results show the presence of deciduous Quercus sp. and Prunus. The presence of these taxa, together with other proxies from the multidisciplinary studies at Nesher Ramla, indicate an arboreal setting with relatively humid and mild climatic conditions in MIS 5e. Our results further suggest that wood was used as fuel at Nesher Ramla. Given the scarcity of Middle Paleolithic sites in the Levant that have yielded charcoal, this new data from Nesher Ramla constitutes an important contribution to the study of past environments and the exploitation of plant resources by human groups.

Site formation processes at ancient tells in the southern Levant have been the focus of several micromorphological studies, contributing to the differentiation of anthropogenic remains from long-term natural sedimentation, occurring post-abandonment. This paper discusses how the study of sedimentary processes and chemical compositions of sediments can be used within the context of an ongoing archaeological project, and how they can contribute to archaeological, historical and geomorphological interpretations. Sedimentary processes were studied implementing POSL, granulometry and PXRF as part of the archaeological research at Tel Burna, Israel. Focusing on the area along the northwestern fortification walls (Area B2), data was collected from multiple strata inside and outside the casemate fortifications dating from the Late Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age. The gradual increase of OSL values obtained inside the casemate wall, indicate accumulation of sediment during a long period of time. Whereas similar values along the entire profile outside the casemate wall indicate sediment accumulation in one-time event. This might be related to defensive preparations, allegedly in response to advances made by Sennacherib's army in 701 BCE. In addition, results from the PXRF studies demonstrated correlation between human activities and the Cu, P, K, Zn, Mn values. Specifically, it was found that as K content increased from younger to older periods, it can be used as a pseudo-dating element. Ca content decreased as sampling descended from the tell's surface, suggesting its origin in long-term aeolian processes. The results show that the use of POSL and PXRF on archaeological contexts are useful for determining sedimentary processes. Furthermore, chemical content enabled pseudo-dating of strata and facilitated the distinction between natural and anthropogenic processes in archaeological sites and landscape.

North China is known as a region where cultural traditions do not change throughout the Pleistocene, while it is a region of interest for its association with several demographic events in Paleolithic age. In order to clarify the reason why the lithic industry mainly composed of quartz continued over a long period of time, it is necessary to accumulate information on lithic assemblage and human behavior. This paper adds an example of culture and behavior around 40 ka and discusses the adaptability of quartz small flake-tool industry. As reported here, three lithic assemblages of the Shuilian Cave Site in Hebei Province were dated to 43 ka cal BP, 34 ka cal BP, and the intermediate age based on the result of our radiocarbon dating. Except for small number of artifacts made of siliceous rock, the majority in all three assemblages are corresponds to the traditional small flake-tool industry in northern China. In the upper assemblage of the site, it was restored that vein quartz procured around the site was consumed systematically using bipolar percussion in combination with direct percussion. The technology employed at the site is adapted to the vein quartz as resources in the vicinity, giving a hint as to why less variable lithic industry continued throughout some demographic epoch in northern China.

The uKhahlamba-Drakensberg mountains in the west of KwaZulu-Natal have been home to people for over 25ka years. The primary occupation has, however, been within the last 3ka. Settled primarily by hunter-gatherers, there appears to have been a possible ephemeral pastoralist presence around 2ka and an increasing agriculturist presence during the last 1ka. This paper outlines these occupations, focusing primarily on the northern uKhahlamba-Drakensberg, where most archaeological research has taken place. The emphasis is on the rock shelter excavations at Diamond 1, Driel Shelter, Clarke's Shelter, Collingham Shelter, Good Hope Shelter 1 and Mhlwazini Cave, complemented by reference to open-air and rock shelter surface scatters and rock paintings. Data about the subsistence and material cultural of all these occupants is synthesised to show that the people of the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg, but primarily the hunters-gatherers, had a varied diet complemented by rich material cultural assemblages. The Discussion considers, (i), the notion of hunter-gatherer seasonality concluding that the mountains could have been occupied on an all-year basis and, (ii), the possible presence of pastoralists in and adjacent the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg around 2ka years ago, which might have involved the practice of feasting.

Multidisciplinary research suggests that Marine Isotope Stage 5 (~130–74 ka) was an important evolutionary stage in African deep history. Population expansion and growth spurred changes in material culture as well as the exploration of previously unoccupied regions and ecosystems. The archaeological sequence at Melikane Rockshelter (1860 masl) in the Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains of highland Lesotho, southern Africa, stretches from the late Holocene back to sub-stage 5a, ~80 ka. The site's earliest strata represent one of the earliest known examples of a sustained human presence in high mountain systems worldwide. This paper deals with the lithic assemblages from those levels, which are currently the oldest radiometrically dated archaeology in Lesotho and one of the few stratified assemblages of Last Interglacial age in the southern African interior. The results of a typo-technological analysis of the assemblages are presented. They suggest that the afromontane foragers who resided at Melikane employed both blade-focussed and bipolar flaking systems, curated a maintainable toolkit suited to frequent residential moves, and used a hybrid provisioning system adapted to their immediate environment. Comparisons with other late Last Interglacial assemblages across the subcontinent suggest that highland populations at this time were largely disconnected from their lowland counterparts. This implies that as Last Interglacial populations in southern Africa expanded into new environments, they also fragmented, adapting to local conditions rather than adhering to a universal technological system.

Recent research on Later Stone Age (LSA) San rock art in southern Africa has unveiled some of the paint recipes the artists employed. However, these discoveries still need to be linked to human activities in or near the rock shelters where the paintings were made. In this paper, we report characterization and dating results from the catchment of the Metolong Dam, Phuthiatsana Valley, Lesotho. A total of 92 rock painting samples, six grindstones with traces of colouring materials from an excavated context, and 17 potential raw colouring materials were studied. We identified three previously unreported ingredients used by the artists: manganese oxides, calcined bones, and soot. Grindstones are stained with the same raw materials that the painters used. We propose that one of them may have served to prepare the red pigment used to make a human figure and a bichrome eland at Ha Makotoko, but direct links remain difficult to establish with certainty. The potential colouring materials in the valley are red clays, white clays (kaolinite and illite-or-montmorillonite), and gypsum, three compounds used as paints by the artists. Tests conducted to verify their suitability for paintings show these materials may have been ground, but settling (after pre-grinding) offers a quicker and easier way to obtain a fine powder as observed in the paints. Finally, 12 AMS dates provide an initial framework for studying the changing use of paint recipes in the Phuthiatsana Valley over time. Charcoal appears to have been employed over a period of at least 3000 years and carbon black for at least 2000 years, with soot seemingly used only before 2000 cal. BP. This study is currently the largest characterization and dating study of LSA rock art in southern Africa and shows the potential that such combined investigations offer for linking excavated and parietal components of the region's hunter-gatherer archaeological record.

The discovery of pottery dated to around 20ka cal BP, within terminal Pleistocene cave sites in South China has been heatedly debated over the past decades. While the dates and pottery itself gained great attention, the archaeological context in which these findings were made have received less attention due to language biases, making it difficult to address questions of how and why pottery emerged in this region. This paper summarized the major findings from South China pottery-bearing sites dated between 25 and 10ka cal BP, and critically evaluates the environmental, cultural and behavioral changes during and after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). The most up to date discoveries demonstrate that pottery appeared in South China right after the LGM, together with changes in lithic assemblages, the appearance of various bone and antler artefacts, as well as a transition to more sedentary lifeways with a heavier reliance on aquatic resources and small-sized animals, long before the appearance of early agriculture. These findings also reflect a more complex history and cultural diversity of different human groups in this area.

Three soft stone technologies that characterize the Upper Paleolithic period are fired ceramic figurines, pigments prepared from colored minerals that often consist of or include clay, and, lastly, pottery vessels. The earliest synthetic material of which we have a permanent artifactual record was made at 26,000 cal BP (Klima 1959b, 1963), marking the beginnings of chemical technology and pyrotechnology and is the concern of the first part of this paper. A review is presented of Upper Paleolithic ceramic figurines at the group of habitation sites in Moravia that includes Dolni Věstonice, Pavlov, Předmosti and Petřkovice. Dolni Věstonice, the only proven production site with the largest collection of ceramics, was the focus of the study because of the possibility of analyzing figurine fragments, kiln remains and raw materials that enabled reverse engineering of the technology. The size of the ceramic inventory and the presence of kilns argue for intentional production of ceramic objects and demonstrates that the relevant cultural practices over time involved repetition and both transmission and learning of a specific, patterned performance behavior of ceramic technology. The high fracture rate encountered and the resistance of the raw material to thermal shock, however, strongly suggest that what was important was not the final, durable product, but rather the process of making and firing and/or refiring of the objects, probably for ritual, ceremonial and political purposes. Similar additive fabrication methods and firing of local pluvial clay deposits was practiced at the site of Maina in Siberia at ca. 15,000 cal BP to make a singular ceramic figurine. At the southern end of the Urals is Kapovaya, a cave with images and a date similar to those at Lascaux and where a single small bowl that may be a fired ceramic was excavated. The second part discusses examples of ceramic processing technology without firing, if we understand ceramics as we define them today to include non-clay products made by processing of fine sub-10 μm, equiaxed or platy particles. Fine clay and pigment particles behave similarly when processed. Clays and pigments were processed at the cave site of Lascaux where excavation of the floor produced evidence of selected, collected and imported naturally occurring mineral and sediment blocks as well as fabricated chalk-like sticks referred to as “crayons.” These ground and fabricated blocks were used as manufacturing elements to apply red, yellow and black pigment to the cave walls at Lascaux. Stone ‘palettes’ were excavated from the floor with in-situ powders that indicate grinding and mixing of clays and pigments. This mixing also occurred on the tips of crayons. The third part is focused on a third ceramic performance technology that preserved physical health of community members: the making and using of pottery vessels for cooking and storage, and a description of some problems involved in reconstructing the processing technology.

“Nderit Ware,” a type of pottery famous in eastern Africa for its remarkably intricate basket-like bowls, is associated with evidence for the region's earliest pastoralism during a time period known as the Pastoral Neolithic (PN, c. 5000-1200 cal BP). This paper reviews the changing ways archaeologists have conceptualized “Nderit” pottery over the past eighty years. The “Nderit” ware type was defined in relation to initial finds in central Kenya, decades before archaeologists discovered Nderit had greater antiquity as a technology/artistic tradition in northwest Kenya's Turkana Basin. Ceramic assemblages from pillar sites surrounding Lake Turkana – including Lothagam North (GeJi9) and Jarigole (GbJj1) – reveal a more variable and complex history of ceramic production and use than previously recognized. Nderit's first known production and use is associated with the region's earliest food producers, mobile pastoralists establishing themselves around a dramatically shrinking Lake Turkana. These findings carry important implications for reconstructing the cultural history and material lives of early herding groups moving within and beyond the Turkana Basin, and expand our frame of reference for understanding the origins of pottery production by mobile, small-scale groups worldwide.

In Southwest Asia, early ceramics are generally associated with sedentary farming communities. This is unlike many other parts of Asia, where ceramics were first manufactured by hunter-gatherers. Radiocarbon evidence indicates that sustained production of ceramic containers (pottery) began at several sites in Anatolia, Upper Mesopotamia and the northern Levant around 7000 BC or slightly later, although there are indications that very small-scale production of pottery sometimes occurred at even earlier dates. In other regions (e.g. the southern Levant, Cyprus) pottery does not become common until centuries later. This paper examines Southwest Asian ceramic production in terms of its timing, technology and use, as well as its social and economic contexts. It also considers the legacy of early archaeological studies of Southwest Asian pottery for our general understanding of the emergence of ceramics. For example, Gordon Childe's concept of a ‘Neolithic package’ promoted a close association between the emergence of farming and pottery, which cannot be supported for many parts of Asia.

A number of AMS radiocarbon dates, accumulated since the 1990's, reveal that ceramic technology first developed among non-agricultural, hunter-gatherer societies in the late Pleistocene of East Asia. Specifically, on the Japanese Archipelago the radiocarbon chronology indicates a diverse trajectory of pottery adoption. The earliest adoption of pottery here was by mobile hunter-gatherers, regardless of region and climatic event. On the other hand, pottery culture suddenly started to flourish later along the warmer Pacific coastline region of southwestern Japan just after the onset of climatic warming of the Late Glacial, and spread throughout the archipelago by the onset of the Holocene. Climatic amelioration, therefore, did not induce the ‘beginning’ of pottery use, but prompted the ‘development’ of sedentary lifestyles accompanying intensified use of pottery. This complicated situation clearly means that motivation and context of pottery adoption do not follow a simple explanation. However, recent studies of chemical and isotope analyses of charred residues on pottery indicate similar use of early pottery throughout the archipelago in the late Pleistocene and the early Holocene. This paper critically re-evaluates these issues through examining synchronic and diachronic archaeological contexts. Existing data indicate that there is great inter-regional variability in technology, subsistence, paleoenvironment, and adaptation associated with pottery, therefore the motivation for the adoption of pottery is distinct within various geographical, environmental, and temporal contexts in the archipelago.

This paper compares quantitative and qualitative results from selected pottery assemblages in sites in the northern Philippines with those from sites in the Mariana Islands. Pottery appears in this region sometime between 4000 and 3000 years ago, with the pottery of the Marianas Islands being towards the younger end of this age range. Arguments concerning the origins of the first pottery in the Marianas have been dominated to date by the correlation of selected decorative and stylistic attributes of the Marianas pottery with that of pottery found in sites in Island Southeast Asia (ISEA). The similarities and differences in the pottery at the assemblage levels, however, have never been fully articulated. Recent arguments regarding the pottery have been specifically focused on perceived parallels between the early Marianas Red pottery and the early pottery of the Cagayan Valley in the northern Philippines. Although it has not been explicitly suggested that the northern Philippines was the immediate departure point for migrant boats, it has nevertheless been argued that there are more parallels between the pottery assemblages of these two regions than any others. This has even been a contributing factor in recent revisions to the Out of Taiwan model, which concerns the migration and dispersal of Austronesian language speakers. The results presented herein, however, show that there are distinct differences in the pottery technologies of the two regions that would not be expected if the sites are directly related. Consequently, there is no clear evidence that the pottery assemblages of the northern Philippines are ancestral to those of the Marianas. While both the early Marianas Red pottery and the northern Philippines pottery assemblages originate in a red-type pottery horizon that exists in both ISEA and the Marianas, the data to date suggests only a loose affinity between the assemblages, there being a high degree of variation in the constituent pottery characteristics between regions.