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What explains the dynamic movement in the gender gap in public opinion toward government activism over the past 30 years? The thermostatic model of politics suggests that aggregate public opinion adjusts to liberal changes in public policy by preferring less government and to conservative changes in policy by preferring more government. Given the cross-sectional differences in policy preferences between men and women, we argue that the dynamic movement in the gender gap in policy preferences for more or less government spending is a function of asymmetrical responses by men and women to changes in public policy. We find that both men and women respond to changes in public policy by shifting their policy preferences in the same direction. But men appear more responsive to policy changes than do women. It is this asymmetrical response to changes in public policy that is responsible for the dynamics of the gender gap in policy preferences across time. Our results show that the gap increases when policy moves in a liberal direction, as men move in a conservative direction at a faster rate than women. In contrast, when policy moves to the right, the opinions of both men and women will respond by moving to the left, but the greater responsiveness among men will decrease the gap, bringing male preferences closer to the preferences of women. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study looks at believability ratings assigned to 39 news organizations and news personalities by a nationally representative sample of 2,104 adult men and women. The data provide three major findings about the believability of the American press, all of which, at least in part, tend to be at odds with much of the conventional wisdom and some of the contemporary research dealing with the credibility of the news media. First, the overwhelming majority of the general public believes most of what it hears, sees, or reads in the nation's press. Second, perceived "believability" of the news media is not closely related to those political and demographic variables that typically divide public opinion in America. Third, the public does "group" the news media in terms of "believability," but the groupings do not equate with the dichotomy usually drawn between television and print journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]