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Federalism in education has undergone significant changes since the Winter Commission. During the early 1990s, federal policy makers faced the challenge of organizational fragmentation and policy incoherence in public education. In the last 15 years, the intergovernmental system has evolved from one that is predominantly compliance-driven to one that is performance based, as suggested by the congressional adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001. While the former is often characterized by images of “picket fence” federalism and administrative silos, the latter remains very much a work in progress, with the promise of raising academic proficiency. This paper first examines the paradigm shift and then considers emerging politics in intergovernmental relations. The author explores the ways in which state and local policy makers are altering the rules governing education service provision in response to performance-based federal expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights a symposium on program evaluation. For a number of reasons program evaluation has become an important subject for public administration. In the first place people have become more concerned with keeping government accountable. In varying degrees existing means for providing accountability have been found wanting. Techniques of program evaluation have been used increasingly in this area. Despite the wide interest in program evaluation there are not a great many sources one can turn to for information on the subject. Program evaluation is of concern to both executive and legislative branches, to auditing agencies and management. Both auditing agencies and managers need program evaluation, although not necessarily of the same kind or for the same purposes. The symposium has attempted to draw on practitioners rather than academicians so that the papers will largely indicate what is happening in the field. The symposium has included papers from both the U.S. Office of Management and the U.S. General accounting Office.

Despite a long and storied history, patronage and the functions it plays in American politics and public administration are still very much a mystery. This paper examines how patronage has been used and understood in American political science and public administration. The author calls for a reexamination of the concept based on developments found in the field of anthropology. In an effort to generate future scholarship, the author introduces a typology of patronage styles based on this reexamination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Coalition To Improve Management In State And Local Government. The coalition was organized in 1984 to address the emerging need for administrative management assistance to U.S. state and local governments which were taking on increasing responsibility for domestic programs of service delivery. The coalition helps jurisdictions develop the executive capabilities and strategies needed to cope simultaneously with rapid economic and social change, reduced national grant money, increased service demands, and resistance to higher taxes. The coalition developed a seven-point strategy based on successful efforts of the best administered governments. The strategy links public administration principles and theory with action-generating implementation methods explained by practitioners in how to do it management guides.

The article focuses on continuing evolution of managing behaviours and results (MBR) and related developments. MBR stands for managing behaviors and results and, in the operational sense, is basically a hybrid of management-by-objectives (MBO) and behavioral performance appraisal. Though the article is about MBR and related developments in the U.S. government on the topic, the MBR theory has no organizational boundaries. Moreover, the American public's disenchantment with government performance and the crisis of accountability are not limited to the federal government. There are various specific suggestions described in the article that can be offered for use by the federal government. Some of them are: Uniform rules straightjacket the natural process of managing performance. Secondly, agencies should find ways to make paper work, not paperwork, in managing performance. Thirdly, agencies should consider the long-term costs of merit-based salary progressions before implementing this form of pay-for-performance.

Twenty-two states plus the District of Columbia, including almost 60 percent of the nation `s population, are conducting state lotteries in 1986. These lotteries enjoy a popularity rare among revenue sources in this or any political era. Does this revenue source promise fiscal relief in a difficult financial environment for states, or do lotteries remain a `fickle form of finance" with fluctuating and low returns? This paper provides background on state lotteries and analyzes revenue performance in each state. It also reviews the cases made by proponents and opponents of the lottery as a state operation. The result is a set of conclusions that the lottery is a source of limited government revenues and is of doubtful merit in some states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the bureaucracy in the U.S. America is a home of frenzy. Whether it has more or less than other countries may be left to philosophers for debate, but it has its full share. Among the latest deliriums is that of waging war on the bureaucracy, now full of noise and promise. Some of the very best people of the U.S. are doing it, usually without discrimination, for discrimination takes the edge off of propaganda. The perfect case against "this new menace to civilization," the bureaucracy, was recently presented in graphic form in a Los Angeles paper. It is to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest, to give as little as possible for as much as one can get. Year in and year out another branch of the bureaucracy, composed of engineers, biologists, and bacteriologists, is supplying the very best citizens with water which they can safely drink and doing this without thought of cutting any melons for themselves.

This article focuses on the role of public administration in improving environmental quality. Despite the rising national and international concern over the deterioration of the environment there has been an institutional and political lag. Public administration theory and practice has hardly faced up to the problem of environmental management, except for repeating the traditional dogmas. Few middle-level theories or administrative models which would be of aid in the control and abatement of pollution, for example, have been proposed. The article presents a brief survey or situation paper on the environmental crisis and an analysis of the slow response of public policy and institutions to the challenge. A wide and diffuse range of concerns is subsumed under the subject heading of environmental problems. Besides air, water, noise, and solid waste pollution, this term often is expanded to include other amenities of life such as beautification, reacreation, and at times urban structure and stress, transportation, food and drugs, even population problems.

In a psychological as distinguished from a Marxian sense the state in the United States seems to be withering away. The basic reality is a shift in the psychological environment in which the state, like other institutions and organizations, must function. This transformation in the psychological environment is generating a conflict in perceptions and values. This paper suggests that the state is withering away in a psychological sense because of an increase in awareness in contemporary society and a growing questioning of all authority. It also suggests the state is withering in a technological sense because of a failure to use organized knowledge to satisfy expectations and values. While noetic men have always existed, noetic man a! a major social type distinguishable from religious man, economic man, and legal man is primarily a product of 20th century technologies of communication and production. The withering of the state in the psychological order has an objective correlative in the withering of the state in the technological order, the use of organized knowledge.

Scholars have engaged in an ongoing dialogue about the relationships among management, politics, and law in public administration. Collaborative governance presents new challenges to this dynamic. While scholars have made substantial contributions to our understanding of the design and practice of collaborative governance, others suggest that we lack theory for this emerging body of research. Law is often omitted as a variable. Scholarship generally does not explicitly include collaboration as a public value. This article addresses the dialogue on management, politics, and law with regard to collaborative governance. It provides an overview of the current legal framework for collaborative governance in the United States at the federal, state, and local levels of government and identifies gaps. The institutional analysis and development framework provides a body of theory that incorporates rules and law into research design. The article concludes that future research on collaborative governance should incorporate the legal framework as an important variable and collaboration as a public value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the United States grappling with the greatest economic downturn since the Great Depression, questions are emerging about whether outsourcing contributes to the instability of government service production. In this article, the authors explore systemic risk in privatized service implementation networks. Reliance on networks of private agents for service production contributes to the disarticulated and fragmented state and increases the potential for systemic crisis if shocks to the network occur, putting vulnerable clients at risk. Government must focus on understanding systemic risk in networked governance arrangements and building resilient networks to avoid crises, the authors argue. Finally, potential research on systemic risk in networked governance arrangements is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of an earlier era predicted a more secure role for the administrative state in American political culture. This vision overlooked a historical irony that governs the relationship between politics and administration. For American society, the administrative state is a suspect handmaiden. Citizens have looked to public administration to enable extraordinary growth while simultaneously distrusting it. In recent decades, these contradictory trends have grown. The growth of the state, increased polarization, and political attacks on government have produced a set of values, perspectives, and capabilities that often do not mesh with one another or with many governmental activities. As a result, we find outdated mechanisms of accountability, politicization, and a broader illegitimacy that threatens the capacity of the state to act effectively. In 1942, the University of Chicago Press published a book edited by Leonard D. White titled The Future of Government in the United States. Each chapter in the book presents predictions concerning the future of U.S. public administration. In this article, Donald P. Moynihan and Patricia W. Ingraham examine the predictions of V. O. Key in his famous essay on politics and administration published in that book, comment on whether Key's predictions were correct, and look to the future to examine public administration in 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent were Woodrow Wilson’s ideas about public administration informed by German organic political theory? Drawing on the writings of Wilson, Lorenz von Stein, and Johann K. Bluntschli on public administration, and comparing American and German primary sources, the author offers insights into Wilson’s general concept of public administration, as well as his understanding of the politics–administration dichotomy. With regard to current administrative research, this study underscores how the transfer of ideas profoundly contributes to advancing comparative public administration and helps clarify terminological difficulties and conflicting perspectives among diverse administrative science traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the blurring between sectors, it is critical not only to understand public organizations, but also to identify factors that contribute to the achievement of public outcomes across sectors. To what extent does organizational “publicness” lend insight to understanding and managing for public outcomes? By integrating the theory of dimensional publicness with recent work on public values, this analysis presents a framework that defines realized publicness as public outcomes predicted in part by institutions embodying public values. Based on insights from neo-institutional theory, managing for public outcomes, or managing publicness, requires attention to the combined effects of regulative, associative, and cultural-cognitive public value institutions. This analysis concludes with a timely application of the realized publicness framework to mortgage lending, demonstrating the importance of conceptualizing influences from diverse types of public value institutions when evaluating a particular initiative, such as the Community Reinvestment Act, and mortgage outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article distinguishes the competing interpretations of the politics–administration dichotomy, noting that as, originally framed, it was intended to detach partisan politics and patronage from sound public management. Waldo, the author suggests, concerned himself with the later, more expansive conception of the dichotomy, which included the process of policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dwight Waldo (1913–2000) is commonly known as a “heterodox” critic of the dichotomy between politics and administration. But is this reputation supported by his writings? It seems to be primarily based on The Administrative State (1948) and other early publications, in which he conceptualized politics/administration narrowly as deciding/executing and, indeed, sharply criticized it. Waldo’s later publications, by contrast, offer much broader conceptualizations and a more ambivalent, even positive appraisal of the dichotomy. Such conceptualizations are also found in an important unpublished book Waldo worked on during several phases of his career. On the basis of these published and unpublished writings, we should reconsider Waldo’s reputation and, pursuing his line of reasoning, reconceptualize the politics–administration dichotomy as a layered construct and reappreciate it as a constitutional doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 60 years of scholarship on the rule-bound bureaucratic personality, this article turns attention to the unbureaucratic personality. Identified by a willingness to bend rules, the unbureaucratic personality is thought to be influenced by individual and workplace attributes. The individual attributes investigated in this article include nonconformity, risk propensity, and public service commitment, all of which are expected to stimulate the unbureaucratic personality. Workplace attributes include formalization and centralization, which are expected to suppress the unbureaucratic personality, and red tape, which is expected to trigger it. These hypotheses are tested using mail survey data collected from employees of four cities in a midwestern state. The results of ordered probit modeling of the data suggest that nonconformity and risk taking increase the unbureaucratic personality, as do red tape and centralized workplaces. By contrast, the unbureaucratic personality appears to be diminished by public service commitment and workplace formalization. The implications of these results for the normative aspects of rule bending are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a 1992 issue of this journal, 12 scholars proposed an ambitious research agenda for the study of the American county. By all accounts, this agenda was both a catalyst and a guide for those interested in the nature, role, functions, operations, and practical relevance of county governments to either continue their research or to launch new studies in this underresearched area. The present article provides a detailed inventory of the research that has been conducted in the eight areas identified in the 1992 agenda. Specifically, which research questions have or have not been addressed satisfactorily? Such an exercise is a logical prerequisite for charting a path for future research on counties; it represents a synthesis of scholarly needs for theory building, hypothesis testing, and cumulative research and the dynamic and enduring knowledge-base needs of county practitioners and elected officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the implementation of the Government Performance and Results Act generally has not considered how the strategic plan, annual performance plan, and annual performance report are produced and used. Are the documents good decision and management tools, as the act intends, or are agencies internalizing them to meet the unique needs of their organization? Interviews with representatives of 14 cabinet-level federal agencies suggest that implementation of the act is not standardized. Instead, it is influenced by the unique challenges that agencies face. Further, there is a relationship between the implementation challenges and the overall use of the documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the principal motivations for the reinvention of many central governments over the last two decades is the need to deal with chronic budget deficits. As budget surpluses reappeared at the end of the 1990s, the pressure to restructure seemed to ease in some countries. However, observers suggested the relief was only temporary, and aging populations would soon put more stress on government budgets, creating a need for further retrenchment. This article assesses the vulnerability of three central governments—the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States—to aging-related fiscal stress. Because of institutional differences, the U.S. government is likely to be hit hardest by this demographic change. This may imply that public-sector reform will take a different path in the United States than it will in the United Kingdom or Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking back on the twentieth century, the American public has witnessed numerous incidents of unethical behavior by a variety of federal, state, and local government officials. Ongoing cases of political and bureaucratic corruption raise questions about what governments are doing to prevent these ‘ethical lapses’. Most state governments have comprehensive ethics laws and ethics commissions to enforce these laws. Very few studies have examined the role of ethics commissions in state government. This article stems from research conducted during 1997–98 involving more than 60 anonymous interviews with ethics officials and stakeholders in Connecticut, Florida, and New York. This analysis reveals that ethics commissions are instruments and symbols, policemen and consultants, politicians and neutral technicians, and interpreters of and prisoners to the ethics laws. The article concludes with 10 recommendations to improve ethics enforcement and the ethics- building capacity of state governments as society enters the next millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of managerial responsibility is a shining thread in the literature of public administration, but its definition within our constitutional scheme remains elusive. How will we know responsible public management when we see it? We propose one answer: Public administration should be conducted according to what we term a ‘precept of managerial responsibility,’ which involves four interrelated elements derived from the classical literature of public administration: judgment, accountability, balance, and rationality. We apply this precept to one of the most vexing problems of public administration theory and practice, institutional reform litigation. This application illustrates how the precept solves a major theoretical problem of American public administration by defining a role for administrative officers that fully comports with the Madisonian scheme of separated institutions‘legislative, executive, and judicial’sharing power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government performance is an enduring concern for students of public management, public administration, and political science. Government's administrative arrangements and managerial behavior can profoundly influence programmatic content, activities, and outcomes; therefore, considering public management's effects is necessary for a true understanding of public policy and government performance. This article uses data from the Maxwell School's Government Performance Project to examine the relationship between state governments' managerial capacity and a measure of government performance (specifically, state policy priorities). We find that state management capacity has direct effects on state policy commitments: States possessing higher levels of management capacity tend to favor programmatic areas that distribute societal benefits widely (that is, collective benefits) as opposed to narrowly (that is, particularized benefits). Our analysis demonstrates that public interest group activity, government ideology, and citizen ideology each have significant, predictable effects on state policy commitments. Thus, our findings place managerial capacity alongside other more commonly studied state characteristics as an important influence on government activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving the capacity of U.S. governments to provide greater homeland security will require numerous changes in the way federal, state, and local governments are organized and operate. It also will require significant alterations in intergovernmental relations. Changes will be required in intergovernmental dimensions, including operational, financial, legal, and political dimensions. A dual-track approach to rearranging intergovernmental relationships in order to provide a coordinated intergovernmental response to the requirements of homeland security is to be expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conditions of war lead to a style of teleocratic governance and administration that is at odds with the idea of civil association reflected in the American constitutional state. As a result, war can put our traditional notions of humanity, pluralism, and limited government at risk. In order to defend the values of civil association, public administrators should understand and appreciate the principles undergirding our constitutional system of governance and administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. government is considering how it should reorganize for homeland security. Consequently, attention has focused on the new Office of Homeland Security (OHS). Much debate focuses on two issues related to OHS: (1) whether the OHS should be a separate executive agency; and (2) whether the OHS director has sufficient authority to direct changes in policies and resource allocation of other departments and agencies. The authors believe the emphasis on these areas of interest is misplaced as measures of the eventual success of the OHS. Rather than focusing on these political issues, this article outlines several questions about how the OHS might approach its complex mission and highlights some organizational and bureaucratic realities that are likely to survive the debate over placement of the OHS within the executive branch and the authorities of the OHS director. This article concludes with a discussion of some organizational tools that the OHS or any coordinating office will require to fulfill its mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The network of public agencies, private firms, nonprofit organizations, ad hoc groups, and individual volunteers that deals with natural and technological hazards and disasters did a remarkable job of responding to and helping us recover from the September 11th attacks. That national emergency management network, along with the national security and law enforcement networks, provides a foundation for our war on terrorism, helps us mitigate the hazard of terrorism, and improves our preparedness for future violence. However, coordinating the efforts of the networks will be a real challenge for the director of homeland security and his or her state and local counterparts. Coordination will necessitate using legal authority to assure compliance, economic and other incentives to encourage compliance, formal partnerships to encourage collaboration, informal understandings to encourage cooperation, and personal encouragement to influence appropriate action. A top-down, command-and-control approach to the war on terrorism, such as the proposed Department of Homeland Security is intended to provide, may be counterproductive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aftermath of September 11th has seen a worrisome rise in invasive surveillance measures. Both adopted by statute and initiated by agencies, these provisions provide unprecedented powers for government agents to investigate suspects and search individuals, whether they are directly involved in terrorism or not. The prevailing wisdom has been that the American people will accept these restrictions as the natural cost of heightened security, and initial evidence suggests the public has been willing to tolerate greater limits on civil liberties. However, over time such support will erode, leaving in place permanent restrictions on civil liberties that not only will concern Americans, but also may turn them against government officials and civic participation. Thus, contrary to many interpretations of September 11th, this article argues that the policy response has only sown the seeds for greater detachment from and dissatisfaction with government as the public becomes increasingly separated from the workings and operations of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, public administration in the United States operates in a densely interconnected international system in which local decisions and actions may trigger global repercussions—and vice versa—and the fate of communities in one region is bound to the choices of decision makers elsewhere. Administrative actors have become enmeshed in a complicated, interwoven pattern of governance in ways that shape actions, issues, and opportunities for influencing administrative agencies at national, state, and local levels. These developments call for a critical reappraisal of our inherited notions of governance, management, and accountability. Terrorist tragedy and responses to it call attention to these themes, but they apply broadly across the spectrum of governance challenges. To demonstrate this point, we analyze some implications of transnational governance for the institutions and practices of U.S. public management, with particular attention to another subject: environmental policy and management. A conclusion is that the public administration community must adjust traditional practices to facilitate the effective management of the global processes that, in turn, reshape the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the tragic, massive terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001, many antiterrorist laws, policies, and institutions have emerged to wage war on terrorism. These antiterrorist initiatives have major consequences for individuals, societies, and nations all over the world. Although controversies have proliferated with regard to the implications of counterterrorism for people's basic rights, the debate remains fragmented and often unfocused. This article examines the critical impact of new antiterrorist initiatives on the fundamental rights and responsibilities of citizens and others, with special reference to public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on issues related to the administrative reforms in the U.S. during the 1990s. Reinventing government constitutes an administrative reform movement that is now a decade old. At the national level, reinventing government received support from the former President Bill Clinton's administration through the National Performance Review, an effort that incorporated many of its key features. Among state and local governments, the movement also found support in the recommendations of the National Commission on State and Local Public Service and its inclusion of selective components from the reinvention agenda. On a broader and international basis, reinvention has been linked with the New Public Management movement. After 10 years of rhetoric, explication, and application, there is speculation about whether this reform constitutes a significant paradigm shift in public administration. Even if reinvention does not pass muster as a fundamental shift, it is still a topic worthy of substantial and sustained investigation.

Despite its appeal for improving government, many state and local governments have not developed performance-measurement systems, and even fewer use these systems to improve decision making. This study examines the factors that affect the utilization of performance measurement, based on the results of a national survey of state and local government officials. The goals of the study were to provide better information on the patterns of usage of performance measurement and to use this information to develop an elaborated model of the factors presumed to affect utilization. Using distinctions from the policy and evaluation literature, hypotheses were tested and confirmed: Policy adoption is driven more heavily by factors from rational and technocratic theory, whereas actual implementation is influenced by factors addressed by political and cultural considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics-administration dichotomy model has provided norms for officials and the starting point for research on the behavior of elected officials and administrators, particularly in local government Although routinely rejected on empirical grounds, it is commonly viewed as the traditional statement of how officials should relate that can be traced to the "founders" of the field in the United States and the formulators of the council-manager form of government. Reexamination of the literature and the history of the council-manager form of government demonstrates, however, that the model is not present in early writings in public administration and did not appear until the twenties. Supported by other aspects of "orthodox" public administration, the dichotomy model took hold during the thirties and in local government hung on into the sixties. It should be viewed as an aberration that departed from the ideas that preceded and followed it rather than defended and reinterpreted to make it relevant to current practice. Recognizing the interdependent relationship between elected officials and administrators--as did the framers of the council-manager form--leads to a model of complementarity rather than dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines administrative reform in the comparative context of the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and the United States. A reform continuum is presented, which moves from the nonstrategic incremental reforms of the United States to the comprehensive and fundamental reforms adopted in New Zealand. The role of politics and political leadership is linked to the various models of reform. More comprehensive and strategic efforts require great initial political leadership and will, but incremental efforts require more continuous political involvement. In the countries examined, using fundamental reform to create a simplified base from which to launch other initiatives appears to be a key component of success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attacks on government can undermine commitment to and confidence in professional public administration. These attacks should be examined from the perspective of the history, functions, and values of public administration. Dwight Waldo's thought provides such a perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article summarizes the results of nearly 1,000 elections conducted entirely by mail in the United States in the past decade. It focuses on three of the main advantages of this uniquely American method of election administration: (1) markedly improved participation rates and increased convenience for the handicapped and others unable to get to the polls for in-person elections (2) lower election administration costs per eligible voter or eligible voter voting, (3) increased integrity of the electoral processes. Presently operable in seven states, all-mail balloting has great promise for more truly determining the will of the majority through greater participation in free and fair elections--the bedrock of democracy. As election administrators and legislators become more familiar with the experience it is reasonable to anticipate greater use of all mail balloting, particularly at the local level. This new way of doing one piece of the public's business is squarely in the tradition of American public administration reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconceptualizes the way abandonments of the council-manager form of local government have come to be portrayed. As in most contemporary theories of politics, abandonments have been depicted as reflections of social dimensions of politics, particularly those associated with large cities in a popular political development model. This research shows, however, that size is now a better indicator of nonabandonments of the council-manager plan. An institutionalist perspective is offered as a more accurate explanation of abandonments. The community leadership gap that sometimes exists in the traditional council-manager plan and which city managers may fill at considerable institutional peril is more often encountered in smaller cities than in large ones. Changes in the council-manager form of government, most particularly adoption of direct election of the mayor, have been made most conspicuously in larger cities, reducing pressures for abandonments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes how American politics and public administration are mired in self-indulgence and corruption. Question regarding the 'inner logic' of the Scientific Revolution; Theses of a New Reformation that require the attention of public administrators; Call for a rejection of the concept that politics and administration of human endeavors are some kind of science.

The article discusses the endeavor of the Indian initiatives for the enactment of public law and self-determination act in the U.S. With Indian support, the federal government finally accepted the concept of allowing Native Americans to participate in the formulation of their own destiny by participation through the process, procedures and methods of current administrative and management concepts of planning and implementation of programs in the beneficial use of their natural and human resources. The concept of self-determination is not new. It was proposed in earlier times by government officials who felt that by having allotted 160 acres to each individual the Indians land, the Indian should also be given the opportunity to derive a livelihood from the land. The Bureau of Indian Affairs pushed the policy of making farmers of all Indians. This attitude was also evidenced in the arguments that supported the passage of the Indian Reorganization Act which allows tribal governments their own autonomy.

The article the article presents a study in public administration that discusses the implementation of interorganizational policy in a theoretical perspective in the U.S. Interorganizational problems are caused, in part, by the lack of attention to and incentives for coordination among organizations. If policies or organizations set up administrative coordinating units specifically to implement such policies, these problems might be reduced. But such units might further fragment structure and inhibit the organization's ability to implement its own tasks efficiently. Thus, the problem cuts both ways.

The article examines the effect of administrative law to lawyers and public administrators in the U.S. Lawyers and managers, with their common personality traits, can work more effectively together for the common good. The inevitable result of excessive rules and regulations is to kill personality at its source and substitute robotism for initiative, motivation, and creativity. Rules cause people to stop thinking: discretion requires them to think. The inevitable result of excessive legalism is stagnation and institutional decline. What the United States needs more than anything else at this juncture is an aggressive, self-confident, and balanced corps of administrative leadership at all three levels of government.

This article is designed to serve two purposes. The first purpose in the order presented is to describe what is happening in university policy studies activities within political science departments and within interdisciplinary programs. The second purpose is to analyze a set of prescriptions for improving policy studies activities, which have been recommended by academics and by government practitioners. By policy studies activities in this context political scientists mean research, teaching, and related activities that deal with the applications of political and social science to the study of the causes and especially the effects of alternative governmental policies. Causes include among other things the role of public administrators in making policies or prospective decisions, and effects include the varied implementation of governmental policies. The main conclusion to be drawn from the questionnaire responses is that policy studies are alive and well in political science departments and interdisciplinary programs across the country, and still growing rapidly although possibly at a less rapid rate than in the early 1970's.

One of the more pressing problems of our times is the state of the bureaucracy. Not only have governmental institutions-federal, state, and local-fallen to new lows in public esteem, but there is evidence that the organizational performance that has gotten them this reputation is worsening rather than improving as new tasks are undertaken and level added to level in the hierarchy. Now we have a new President who has vowed to do something about the "horrible bureaucracy" over which he is presiding. This article warns him and his associates that reform isn't as easy as it sounds, and that reorganization, while necessary and useful, is only a part of the answer. It suggests a seven-point approach, the two most important of which are the exploring of new patterns of administration to replace ultimately the bureaucratic form; and the involving of members of the system-the bureaucrats themselves-in its modification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that as American society moves into the post-industrial stage it will be necessary that they revise the concept of social equity along lines that demand, to an unprecedented degree, openness and participation in the administrative processes by which social services are delivered. In order to bring about this openness and participation within our administrative agencies, it will be necessary to educate future generations of administrators to a view of the world which is itself open. People feel that only by socializing these future administrators to an open method of collaborative analysis and action can the open and participative world view seem plausible and practicable. By saying to the future administrator that, "People construct knowledge in an open-ended way," and, "society is changing in an open-ended way," and then saying, "There is a method of analysis which allows for such openness and the participation and equity that goes with it," one can perhaps eventually see the post-industrial world emerge in a form more acceptable to Americans as human beings than it will be if they continue to apply the increasingly obsolete principles of industrialism.

The author provides a systematic theoretical statement which attempts a reasonable approximation of the reality of organization and public administration and a helpful outline of various familiar phenomena within that field. The statement formulates a concept of enterprise as a particular activity of a group of persons engaged in providing a product or rendering a service to our society. It is suggested that in the analysis of an enterprise a clear distinction be drawn between its two principal components: operations and administration. The operations of an enterprise entail an output and a work process. Administration encompasses the management of resources and the techniques of direction necessary to insure that the operations of an enterprise realize their intended output. The concepts of authority, responsibility, hierarchy, leadership, and power structure are explained within the framework of this theoretical statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The encroachment of economics upon politics is not difficult to understand. Being political in perspective is viewed as bad; having the perspective of the economist is acclaimed as good. As a discipline, economics has done more with its theory, however inadequate, than has political science. Under some conditions economists can give you some idea of what efficiency requires. It is a rare political scientist who would even concern himself with political rationality. Economists claim to know and work to defend their interests in efficiency: political scientists do not even define their sphere of competence. Thus the market place of ideas is rigged at the start." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]