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It is commonly assumed that performance is impaired by pressure and that different types of individual situational factors can produce equivalent pressure. Our aim was to explore the psychophysiological effects of pressure to test this assumption. Eighty-one novices completed a golf putting task under control and eight individual pressure conditions: time, difficulty, video, team, goal, fame, shame, and distraction. Performance was measured by the number of holed putts and ball-hole distance. Psychological, physiological and kinematic measures were collected. Performance was impaired by time and difficulty conditions but improved by team, goal and shame conditions compared to control. Perceived pressure and effort were higher than control in all conditions except distraction. Conscious processing was greater than control in all conditions except distraction and time constraint. Heart rate was faster with time, team, fame and shame. Heart rate variability and muscle activity were largely unaffected. Putter kinematics provided evidence of swing profiles slowing and/or becoming constrained in conditions where conscious processing increased, while the swing became faster in the time-pressure condition where conscious processing was decreased. Taken together, these results reveal heterogenous effects of pressure on performance, with performance impaired, unaffected, and improved by individual pressure situations. Similarly, heterogeneity characterized the effects of pressure on psychological, physiological and kinematic responses associated with task performance. In sum, the evidence challenges the standard tacit assumptions about the pressure-performance relationship in sport. • Many assume that performance is always and equally impaired by pressure. • Examined effects of eight individual pressure conditions on performance. • Performance impaired by 2, improved by 3, and unaffected by 3 pressure conditions. • Evidence challenges tacit assumptions about the pressure-performance relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to develop a grounded theory of how to promote personal development in high-performance sport environments. Individual interviews were conducted with 32 members of the Canadian junior and senior national biathlon teams, including 18 athletes (9 women, 9 men, M age = 20.8 years, SD = 2.9), 5 coaches (1 woman, 4 men), 3 technical leaders (2 women, 1 man), and 6 parents (3 mothers, 3 fathers). Follow-up interviews were conducted with five key participants. Straussian grounded theory methodology was used. Analytic techniques included open coding, constant comparison, questioning, memoing, diagramming, and theoretical integration. The grounded theory is based on the core category that personal development is a continual and individualized process. Three propositions represent how to promote athletes' personal development process. Proposition 1: Athletes use realistic self-evaluation and goal setting. Proposition 2: Athletes experience different situations and reflect on their areas for personal development. Proposition 3: Athletes perceive and receive social support. The grounded theory portrays propositions that can be used to promote athletes' personal development in high-performance sport environments. It may inform future applied research and the delivery of sport psychology support to high-performance athletes. • We developed a grounded theory of how to promote personal development in high-performance sport environments. • The grounded theory is based on a core category and three propositions that represent how to promote athletes' personal development process. • Proposition 1: Athletes use realistic self-evaluation and goal setting to promote their personal development. • Proposition 2: Athletes experience different situations and reflect on their areas for personal development. • Proposition 3: Athletes perceive and receive social support that benefit their personal development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clutch performance refers to positive performance under pressure. Definitions of clutch performance, however, differ on the performance level required to constitute this phenomenon. This definitional divergence centres on whether clutch performance requires increased, or maintained, performance. Further, it is unclear what performance benchmark (e.g., season average) clutch performances should be compared against. Accordingly, this study aimed to explore athletes' perceptions of what performance level is required for clutch performance, and what performance benchmarks clutch performances are compared against. Twenty-four athletes (M age = 27.13 years) participated in event-focused, semi-structured interviews soon after a positive performance under pressure (M = 93 h later). Data were analysed utilising reflexive thematic analysis. Three themes were generated: (1) clutch performance is assessed against goal achievement , suggesting that the achievement of self-referenced goals is the primary indicator athletes' use to assess clutch performance; (2) clutch performance exists on a performance spectrum , suggesting that the performance level required for clutch performance differs due to the appraisal of pressure and the athletes' own goals; and (3) different benchmarks are used to assess clutch performance , suggesting that athletes' may draw on both previous performances, and the performance itself, to assess clutch performance. This study suggested that clutch performance is a situational and context-dependent phenomenon. Specifically, athletes assessed clutch performance on the extent to which they perceived achievement of self-referenced goals. Defining clutch performance in this manner may resolve tensions between existing definitions, and further, may facilitate development of a measure of clutch performance. • Twenty-four athletes were interviewed within four days of performing under pressure. • Athletes use self-referenced goal achievement to assess clutch performance. • Clutch performance may be situational and context-dependent. • A refined definition of clutch performance is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When evaluating one's own or others' performances, there is a strong tendency to rely on social comparison information. Remarkably, however, the extant achievement goal research suggests that the prevalence of other-based goals is very low, also in sport contexts. In the present research, we argue and demonstrate that in the context of a sports match: (1) most athletes' overarching achievement goal is an other-based approach goal (i.e., the goal to win), and (2) athletes with an overarching other-based approach goal also rely on self-based criteria (referring to one's personal performance trajectory) and task-based criteria (referring to the absolute demands of the task). Survey data was collected among 647 competitive korfball players (69.4% women), ranging in age from 16 to 56 years. As expected, for most athletes (51.6%), to win matches was their overarching achievement goal, and pursuing self-based and task-based approach goals added to their competence satisfaction. In such a hierarchical achievement goal system, subordinate goals likely help athletes to increase their awareness of what actions and means facilitate their focal objective: Coming out victorious. • Athletes' achievement goals can be structured into a hierarchical goal system. • In the context of a sports match, the overarching goal is an other-approach goal. • Athletes' competence satisfaction is also a function of other achievement goals. • Making goal systems visible likely helps athletes to self-regulate effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]