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During the entire Soviet period (1917–1991), Russian psychologists labored to create a psychology which would be consonant with Marxist-Leninist assumptions derived from dialectical materialism. Some of their early prescriptions, in particular those put forward by Konstantin N. Kornilov in the 1920s and early 1930s, are identical to strategies being advanced by contemporary American psychologists who propose that chaos theory and nonlinear metamodeling techniques in general, given advances in computer and television technologies, can be designed for research capable of dealing with the complexities, nonlinearities, self-organizational processes, and abrupt transformations characteristic of human psychological functioning.

Surnmay.-The Annual Reurew of Psychology, which has been published since 1950, provides a useful profile of post-World War I1 developments in American psychology. In 1979, Gilgen and Hultman identified the authorities and subject matter areas emphasized in the volumes for the 1950 through 1974 period. The present study extends that investigation through 1998. Based on the earlier analyses, American psychology during the third quarter of the century was characterized by a strong interest in research methodologies and psychometrics, HuUian and then Skinnerian perspectives on learning and conditioning, animal research, the perceptual theory of James J. Gibson, Gestalt inspired social psychology, and the emerging perspective of Carl Rogers on personality and psychopathology. The present work shows that, while psychometrics and methodological matters remained salient, many American psychologists shifted attention to study cognitive processes especially as manifested in social and developmental contexts. Interest in gender and women's studies, gerontological questions, and psychological aspects of both health and sport also accelerated, and many more women were highly (very frequently) cited during the final quarter of the century than during the earlier post-World War I1 years. The project undertaken by Gilgen and Hulunan in 1979 was conducted as part of research associated with the book American Psychology Since World War II: A Profile of the Discipline (Gilgen, 1982). The present study was inspired by ongoing work to revise and update that volume. Together the two enquiries identify psychologists whose work was considered noteworthy by respected peers during the last half of the 20th century.2

The relationships among scores on right-wing authoritarianism, locus of control, and beliefs relative to traditional Eastern and Western thinking were examined. Eastern thinking is defined as the monistic perspective common to Buddhism, Hinduism, Taoism, and Confucianism, while Western thinking reflects the dualism intrinsic to the Judeo-Christian and ancient Greek underpinnings of European and American thought. Among 72 male and 130 female undergraduate students, women scoring high on the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale tended to score more Western on the East-West Questionnaire. Subjects scoring high on the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale, especially the men, tended to score internal on locus of control. Performance on the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale could be used as a weak predictor of the scores obtained on the Locus of Control Scale. Duckitt's conceptualization of authoritarianism as an aspect of group cohesiveness served as the theoretical framework.

7 women, classified as Masculine on the basis of their scores on the Bern Sex-role Inventory, tended to use the extreme values of agree strongly and disagree strongly on the Likert format associated with the East-West Questionnaire more frequently than did women classified as Feminine, Androgynous, or Undifferentiated ( ns = 39, 31, and 21, respectively). The Undifferentiated women were inclined to use the moderate response alternatives. The 73 men used the no opinion response option significantly more than did the 98 women. These findings suggest that strength of beliefs as measured on scales in Likert format may be an index of sex-role preference.

The East-West Questionnaire, Zen Scale and Consciousness I, II, and III scales were administered to 140 college students. As predicted, scores on the East-West Questionnaire correlated positively with the Zen and Consciousness III Scale. The hypothesis that East-West scores would correlate negatively with Consciousness I and II performance was not upheld. Sex differences were found for East-West performance.

The Annual Review of Psychology provides an important resource for the historian concerned with post-World War II American psychology. Published since 1950, the series offers summaries and evaluations by knowledgeable psychologists of developments within major areas of the discipline. The present study, based on author indices and tables of contents, indicates that the most frequently cited individuals were R. B. Cattell and British psychologist H. J. Eysenck, both prominent and prolific factor-analytic personality theorists and psychometricians; along with Hullian learning theorists; and a variety of individuals who made notable theoretical or empirical contributions, e.g., Harlow, J. J. Gibson, Festinger, Olds, Simon, Hebb, Rogers, and Skinner. Understandably, psychologists whose work was relevant for many years to a variety of consistently reviewed subject-matter areas tended to have the highest cumulative citation frequencies. Interestingly, the subject-matter area most extensively reviewed across the 25-year period examined was sensation-perception followed by areas within which factor-analytic or Hullian research had some relevance. The study also provides a breakdown of individuals frequently cited during the 1950–55, 1956–65, and 1966–74 subperiods, and an index of new developments as represented by changes in the tables of contents of the 25 volumes analyzed.

A questionnaire was developed to reflect traditional Eastern and Western world views. The Eastern perspective is conceived of as the basically monistic view of existence shared by Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Hinduism; the Western view, on the other hand, is seen as based on the dualistic outlook of reality underlying both Judeo-Christian and much of Greek thought. Test-retest reliability over 2 wk., based on responses of 83 college students, is .76. A study involving 4 American Buddhists, 69 Transpersonal psychologists. 29 business executives, 17 legal administrators, and 173 college students with various majors suggests that the questionnaire has considerable predictive validity.

Swmmary.-The Value Survey, Ways of Life Scale, and East-West Questionnaire were administered to 210 students in introductory psychology to determine the value and life style preferences of Eastern- and Western-oriented individuals. The findings were, in general, consonant with the assumptions underlying the design of the East-West Questionnaire. Sex differences, however, indicate that Eastern and Western male and female subjecrs have somewhat different value and life style preferences. The purpose of this study was to decermine the relationships between performance on the East-West Questionnaire, an instrument designed to measure Eastern and Western orientations in belief systems (Gilgen & Cho, 1979), the Value Survey (Rokeach, 1973), and the Ways of Life Scale (Morris, 1956). The design of the questionnaire is based on the assumption that Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Hinduism share a monistic (non-dualistic) view of reality while the Judeo-Christian and Greek foundations of Western thought reflect a dualistic perspective. The instrument was developed specifically to determine the degree to which individuals' belief systems are based on monistic and dualistic assumptions concerning god, soul, history, nature, society, and man. Previous research indicates that the questionnaire has a test-retest validity of .76 (for college students) and good predictive validity for American Buddhists, transpersonal psychologists, business executives, and college students majoring in business, art, or philosophy/religion (Gilgen & cho, 1979). The Value Survey and the Ways of Life Scale were selected as comparison tests because they are well-established instruments, and while neither is designed specifically to measure the Eastern and Western dimensions of belief systems, the former does include concepts, and the latter ways of life, which are Eastern or Western in orientation. METHOD

Sixty Ss guessed words flashed on a screen. No stimuli were actually presented. When Ss thought their response was correct, they asked for a token (reward) from E. SR-positive Ss were encouraged and SR-negative Ss were discouraged for judging their responses as accurate. After training, rate of “I am correct” responses was 58% in the former and 0.2% in the latter group. On a subsequent learning task, generalization of these responses was tested. Ss learned to a low criterion; half were asked to take tokens when thinking they were correct, half were on extinction. SR-positive Ss reinforced themselves more often than SR-negative Ss. Accuracy of performance did not significantly differ among the groups.

Sr/nznzary.-An earlier study showed that the effect of a model on changing self-reinforcemenr was also seen in the observing S's reinforcement of another person. The present experiment further evaluated this relationship, using a model to change the reinforcement of another and also examining changes in self-reinforcement. The task involved evaluation of the popularity of word associations. The model was introduced as a rape recording of a voice giving either a high or low diszribution of points in evaluating recorded association. Both the high and low models had corresponding effects on the observer's rate of reinforcing another person. However, only the low model also affected subsequent self-reinforcemen:. Control groups listening to a model but not giving reinforcements themselves also showed an effect in their subsequent selfreinforcement rates. There was a tendency for experience with reinforcing another, regardless of mode: condition, to raise rate of self-reinforcement. Recent research on self-reinforcement (the administration of freely available, positive rewards by S to himself) has been concerned with variables which affect the probability of a self-reinforcement response. For example, Bandura and Kupers ( 1964), Bandcra and Whalen ( 1966), and Marston ( 1965a) have shown that both children and adults will imitate the self-reinforcement behavior of a model. In the course of the imitation experiment, Marsron found chat changes in the rate of self-reinforcement were followed by subsequent changes in the rate at which S reinforced another person on a similar task. The present experimenr examines the general hypothesis that, just as variables leading to change in self-reinforcemer.t also produce subsequent changes in reinforcement of another person, the converse also holds: variables effecting changes in rate of reinforcing another also produce subsequent changes in self-reinforcement. The experiment employed a modeling procedure similar to that used in the earlier sn~dy (Marston, 1965a). The task was to give "the most popular word association" to recorded stimuli and to evaluate responses using n point system. (The earlier study used the verbal reinforcer "Good.") S initially reinforced another person performing the task, with Ss in these groups intermittently observing a model giving reinforcements to another person's behavior. Groups hearing a model give a high rate of reinforcements or a low rate and one having no model were compared. A second orthogonal variable involved a comparison of Ss who observed and administered reinforcement to another vs those who observed the models without having the opportunity themselves to give reinforce

An experimental program is described for the reduction of cigarette smoking, using three principles of learning: successive approximations (stimulus hierarchies), counterconditioning, and self-reinforcement. The failure to differentiate between experimental and control groups is discussed in terms of problems of dropouts and observation of extinction effects when treatment elements are withdrawn.

Self reinforcement (sr), the administration of reinforcing stimuli by S to himself without external constraints, was investigated with regard to the effect of task and type of reinforcing stimulus. Each S received the same five tasks during each of two sessions. The tasks all involved a response followed by an sr (3 groups: with sr light, sr chips, sr rating scale). Two of the tasks were relatively unstructured; a second pair were less ambiguous and included a model's response to guide S; and the fifth was a verbal discrimination task learned to a 50% criterion. The results indicated: no consistent differences in rate of sr for the three types of reinforcing stimuli; increases in sr in Session 2 for tasks which showed a practice effect; rate of sr related to task with more sr when S agreed with the model's responses or the model was correct; and significant inter-session correlations on rate of sr for all tasks.

Part I of the study dealt with the development of classes of words which were characterized by within-class variation, such variation being based on the degree of class belongingness. Using a modified Q-sort and a rating procedure, it was found that groups of Ss could consistently discriminate between words within a class. Part II dealt with verbal conditioning. Using a modified Taffel procedure, Ss selected a word from a pair of words presented. Fifteen operant and 75 acquisition trials were administered. Ss were reinforced (“good”) during acquisition when they chose the critical word (animals) of the pair. Focal stimulus variation was defined as high or low class membership of the critical stimuli. Context variation was defined as variation in non-critical stimuli, neutral vs shape words. Results demonstrated that variations in both focal and contextual stimuli produced significant effects in verbal conditioning.

On the basis of performance on the East-West Questionnaire, 69 members of the Association for Transpersonal Psychology were Eastern in their thinking in that they tended to believe in the essential unity of reality and the contention that our society overemphasizes science, technology, rationality, and competition. At the same time they favored a democratic form of government, a free-enterprise economy, and a hereafter involving individual souls, beliefs which are more traditionally Western. Comparison of the transpersonalists with a group of 29 middle-management personnel indicated that the former answered all but 6 of the 68 questionnaire statements in a more Eastern way than the latter.

Korean medical and nursing students were more Eastern in their belief systems than American college students in introductory psychology on the East-West Questionnaire. The Americans and Koreans differed most with regard to beliefs about spiritual matters, the former being Western in orientation and the latter, Eastern. Korean Buddhists also scored more Eastern than Korean Christians or those with no formal religion.

The Type A behavior paaern which correlates with cardiac proneness was hypothesized (1) and continuing research supports their contention that the Type A behavior pattern is positively related to high blood pressure and the development of coronary heart disease (6). This study examined the Type A behavior pattern in relation to individual belief system. Glass (4) hypothesized the Type A individual as rigidly internalizing Western emphasis on hard work, competition, and mastery of the environment. Matsumoto (5) hypothesized that the lower incidence of coronary heart disease in Japan might be accounted for by the different cultural belief system. This study examined empirically the theoretical position (4, 5) that belief systems, Westernness and Easternness, correlate with Type A behavior patterns.