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The paper examines the use of the term "shamanism" in archaeology and develops criteria for identifying shamanism in archaeological contexts. The focus is on the site of Göbekli Tepe, which offers rich iconographic finds and serves as a case study. It discusses whether Göbekli Tepe can be interpreted as shamanistic and whether it is a place of institutionalized religion. The description describes a shamanic healing ceremony among the Evenki. The shaman makes contact with the spirit world during an altered state of consciousness and is accompanied by helping spirits. Shamanism is seen as a practice that encompasses various tasks such as healing, divination, and the preservation of myths and traditions. Shamanism can be found in various cultures and social contexts and is based on animistic ontologies that emphasize a close relationship between humans and animals. The boundaries between humans and animals can be crossed, but this also carries dangers. Animistic ontologies determine the conception and representation of the world and can be recognizable in archaeological finds. The text describes the relief images and anthropomorphic sculptures at the early Neolithic site of Göbekli Tepe in Turkey. The relief images depict various animals such as snakes, birds, bears, and leopards, with the movements of the animals often aligned with the center of the buildings. The sculptures are more naturalistic and use stylization techniques, especially in the depiction of faces. The faces have a T-shaped forehead and nose and show different expressions through the depiction of eyes and mouth. The bodies of the sculptures follow certain principles of representation, such as unnaturally curved arms and oversized hands. Other anthropomorphic sculptures from Göbekli Tepe show similar features to the Urfa figure, such as leaning back of the head and looking upwards. There are also zoomorphic sculptures, of which 102 are currently known. The animal representations at Göbekli Tepe are mainly limited to felids (probably leopards: 30), wild boars (21), and birds (12). Other animals such as bears (4), turtles (3), aurochs (2), and rams (1) are less common. Larger sculptures are usually identifiable to the species, while smaller representations (10 cm and below) are often generic "quadrupeds." The animal representations exhibit certain features such as detailed heads of felids and wild boars with emphasized teeth and tusks. The bodies often have few details, while the ribs are strongly emphasized in some animals. The study deals with shamanism at the early Neolithic site of Göbekli Tepe in Turkey. Various depictions of shamans and shamanic practices are analyzed, including the use of masks, garments, and staffs. It is noted that shamanism played an important role in the early Neolithic period of Göbekli Tepe. The study examines various artifacts that indicate a connection to shamanism at the early Neolithic Göbekli Tepe. "Nemrik scepters" are mentioned, which may have been shamanic staffs. There are also indications of musical instruments such as bullroarers and flutes that had a ritual function. In addition, sculptures are discussed that may represent spiritual beings, as well as amulets, jewelry, and other objects associated with shamanic practices. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Verifying the chronology of Ukrainian Neolithic" examines the chronology of the Ukrainian Neolithic. The authors present AMS data from four sites to verify the validity of the chronologies for the Neolithic in Ukraine. They also discuss the role of the Linear Pottery culture and the Azov-Dnieper culture in the spread of agriculture and animal husbandry in Ukraine. The study shows that there are conflicting chronological scales and proposes a comprehensive re-dating and validation. The results have implications for the regional chronology of the Neolithic and emphasize the importance of cross-border collaboration in dating findings. [Extracted from the article]

Vrbjanska Čuka is a tell site in the region of Pelagonia (Macedonia) established 8000 years ago by the Neolithic communities. Later it was used as an agricultural unit during the Roman era and the Middle Ages when it was also employed as a burial area. The excavations performed in the 1980s and during the last five years indicate a Neolithic farming society that constructed large buildings made of daub in a settlement enclosed by a circular ditch. The buildings had many clay structures, such as ovens, granaries, bins and grinding areas for processing cereals and bread production. The Neolithic communities used sophisticated fine pottery and modeled figurines and altars, while the stone tools were mainly used for cutting trees, harvesting and grinding. Apart from the cereal-based food (einkorn wheat, emmer wheat or barley), the inhabitants of Vrbjanska Čuka consumed lentils, peas and a variety of gathered wild fruits, while cattle, caprovine, mussels, fish and wild game meat was also part of a diet, as well as the dairy products. This paper will be a summary of a variety of data provided from the current international and multidisciplinary research of the site that involves excavation, prospection, geomagnetic survey, study of material culture, examination of architecture, radiocarbon dating, geoarchaeological, archaeobotanical, archaeozoological, lipid and use-wear analyses, as well as the topographic and 3D modeling. The recent knowledge on Vrbjanska Čuka provides novel understanding of the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia and contributes to the more extensive research of first farming societies in the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La culture de la céramique perforée (Pitted Ware culture, PWC) continue d'attirer l'attention des scientifiques. Appartenant à la période néolithique définie par l'avènement de l'agriculture, le phénomène PWC rompt avec notre conception traditionnelle de l'évolution culturelle et sociale, en incarnant le retour ou la continuation du mode de vie des chasseurs-cueilleurs. Pour comprendre cette apparente anomalie, il est essentiel de pouvoir restituer la chronologie de la PWC: Quand et où ce phénomène a-t-il émergé pour la première fois? Comment s'est-il répandu? Quand et pourquoi s'est-il éteint? Afin de clarifier ces questions, le présent article décrit le plus grand échantillonnage jamais assemblé de sites PWC, localisés à travers toute la Scandinavie et bénéficiant de datations radiocarbones recalibrées et corrigées. Sur plus de 900 datations 14C collectées, nous fument en mesure de surmonter les nombreux obstacles engendrés par la limitation de dates individuelles obtenues sur des sites uniques, qui entravent bien trop souvent l'interprétation et empêchent toute vision d'ensemble. En conséquence, nous sommes maintenant en mesure de présenter un modèle montrant la propagation rapide de la PWC, depuis une origine supposée située dans le centre-est de la Suède (env. 3400 av. J.-C.) vers les vastes zones essentiellement côtières de la péninsule scandinave et du nord-est du Danemark. Cette propagation rapide peut être expliquée par l'intégration de la PWC dans les réseaux d'échange de silex à longue distance. La fin du phénomène PWC, datée aux environs de 2200 cal av. J.-C.) peut être considérée comme une conséquence de l'intensification de l'agriculture et de son expansion vers le nord durant le néolithique tardif. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]