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Emissions trading schemes (ETS) have spread across the globe to tackle climate change. However, limited attention has been given to how ETS characteristics and designs differ and why. We use the concept of institutional complementarity to explore how the EU ETS and South Korea's ETS (K‐ETS) adapt to complement established political economy. The EU ETS is characterized as a market with stakeholder ownership, while the K‐ETS is more regulatory in nature with government leadership. The EU ETS complements a decentralized political system with liberalized energy market, and the K‐ETS became compatible with the centralized majoritarian politics and a regulated electricity market. The ETSs have evolved incrementally, and they are not likely to link in the foreseeable future due to divergence. We suggest a strong focus on "how to adapt" an ETS to its own institution rather than adopting the established blueprint model in countries with a strong regulatory style of governance. Related Articles: Caliskan, Cantay. 2020. "The Influence of Elite Networks on Green Policy Making." Politics & Policy 48(6): 1104–37. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12382. Tanaka, Yugo, Andrew Chapman, Tetsuo Tezuka, and Shigeki Sakurai. 2020. "Multiple Streams and Power Sector Policy Change: Evidence from the Feed‐In Tariff Policy Process in Japan." Politics & Policy 48(3): 464–89. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12357. von Malmborg, Fredrik. 2023. "Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Argumentative Discourse Analysis: The Case of the 'Energy Efficiency First' Principle in EU Energy and Climate Policy." Politics & Policy 51(2): 222–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) posits that policy actors, including elected officials and bureaucrats, aggregate into coalitions based on shared beliefs and coordinate to achieve policy objectives. Yet, bureaucrats are often subject to political control mechanisms understood within a principal‐agent framework. Combining insights from principal‐agent theory and the ACF, we explore the nature of principal‐agent relationships within and across advocacy coalitions in the United States using case studies of nuclear waste management and fair housing policy. Specifically, we develop three propositions regarding principals and agents as members of advocacy coalitions and examine those propositions by comparing the two case studies. We find that powerful elected officials and expert bureaucrats are important resources for coalitions; bureaucrats are in coalitions but face cross‐pressure from principals in opposing coalitions; and control mechanisms embedded in policy designs by principals can limit bureaucratic discretion in a way that aligns with coalition goals. Related Articles: Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. "A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens." Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00371.x Peterson, Holly L., Mark K. McBeth, and Michael D. Jones. 2020. "Policy Process Theory for Rural Studies: Navigating Context and Generalization in Rural Policy." Politics & Policy 48(4): 576–617. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12366 Swigger, Alexandra, and Bruce Timothy Heinmiller. 2014. "Advocacy Coalitions and Mental Health Policy: The Adoption of Community Treatment Orders in Ontario." Politics & Policy 42(2): 246–70. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12066 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand paradiplomacy practices in Indonesia by identifying the characteristics of Aceh's paradiplomacy and reviewing it comparatively with the paradiplomacy of Quebec, Canada. The data was collected by documentation study, interview, and literature search. The practice of paradiplomacy in Indonesia is framed in a unitary state system in which the central government still dominates regional foreign activities and the regional awareness for the need of foreign relations is still minimal. This is different from the Province of Quebec in Canada wherein Quebec is one of the most active provinces to take part abroad for the fulfillment of their regional interests. We conclude that the characteristics of paradiplomacy are determined by the institutionalization of paradiplomacy in the regions and the pattern of relations between the central and regional government which usually refers to the form of the state whether unitary or federalist. Related Articles: Claude, Denis. 2007. "Canadians in Trouble Abroad: Citizenship, Personal Security, and North American Regionalization." Politics & Policy 35(4): 648–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00078.x. Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. "Indonesia's 'Intermestic' Public Diplomacy: Features and Future." Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221. Sevin, Efe. 2017. "A Multilayered Approach to Public Diplomacy Evaluation: Pathways of Connection." Politics & Policy 45(5): 879–901. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12227. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy making in authoritarian regimes is assumed to be exclusive. The selective use of experts in China questions that assumption. Through three case studies from Hangzhou, Zhejiang province, we illustrate experts' functions in China. Local policy makers rely on them as science arbiters and to provide policy legitimization, just like their counterparts in the democracies of the Western world. They also have a function we call an "accountability facilitator," which highlights the uniqueness of expert involvement in China. These cases describe the benefits the Chinese government receives from experts and explain why it is willing to listen to the public in certain circumstances. Related Articles: Bryson, John R., Michael Taylor, and Peter W. Daniels. 2008. "Commercializing 'Creative' Expertise: Business and Professional Services and Regional Economic Development in the West Midlands, United Kingdom." Politics & Policy 36(2): 306–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00107.x Nwalie, Martin Ike. 2019. "Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Changes in a Third‐World Country." Politics & Policy 47(3): 545–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12302 Svallfors, Stefan. 2016. "Out of the Golden Cage: PR and the Career Opportunities of Policy Professionals." Politics & Policy 44(1): 56–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12149 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on renewable energy (RE) policies and policy making have generally focused on the Global North. This article homes in on how trust, an underexamined concept in the multi‐level governance literature, affects RE trajectories in Malaysia and Indonesia. Through comparative analysis, we find that different levels of trust result in similar degrees of RE policy support, but dissimilar degrees of engagement between state and societal actors in RE policy making. Negative expectations of the social grievances engendered by RE transitions contribute to reluctant, though legitimized, pursuits of clean energy production and consumption. Meanwhile, trust in actors' nationalism—that is, in opposing a Global North environmental agenda and demonstrating constitutionally aligned resource management in Malaysia and Indonesia, respectively—facilitates more inclusive policy making. Due to greater nationalism, Indonesia's state‐society engagement in RE governance is stronger and leads to a civil RE movement that outpaces Malaysia's overall. Related Articles: Ash, John. 2010. "New Nuclear Energy, Risk, and Justice: Regulatory Strategies for an era of Limited Trust." Politics & Policy 38 (2): 225‐284. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00237.x Khodr, Hiba, and Isabella Ruble. 2013. "Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA." Politics & Policy 41 (5): 656‐689. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033 Wood, Steve. 2009. "Energy Security, Normative Dilemmas, and Institutional Camouflage: Europe's Pragmatism." Politics & Policy 37 (3): 611‐635. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00187.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of policy entrepreneurs in promoting change in flood risk mitigation at the local level in Sweden through a comparative study of two Swedish municipalities with different approaches to flood risk governance; as a technical issue or a social issue. The municipality in which flood risk mitigation is addressed as a social issue exhibits a larger size of the network mitigating flood risk, more diverse actors involved, and a more central location of the politicians and senior management. Moreover, the analysis points to the salience of a bureaucratic policy entrepreneur in promoting this shift toward addressing it as a social issue, and shows how they use relational strategies to frame the issue as relating to climate change action. The article operationalizes sociability and credibility, two of the attributes of policy entrepreneurs, and thus, contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion of policy entrepreneurs in general, and as they pertain to environmental policy in particular. Related Articles: David, Charles‐Philippe. 2015. "Policy Entrepreneurs and the Reorientation of National Security Policy under the G. W. Bush Administration (2001‐04)." Politics & Policy 43 (1): 163‐195. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12106 Shock, David R. 2013. "The Significance of Opposition Entrepreneurs on Local Sales Tax Referendum Outcomes." Politics & Policy 41 (4): 588‐614. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12028 Sidha, Zedekia, Patrick Asingo, and Justine Magutu. 2021. "Street‐Level Bureaucrats as Policy Entrepreneurs: The Nexus between Timing of Traffic Enforcement Activities and Road Safety Policy Outcomes." Politics & Policy Early View. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12386 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although introduced more than two decades ago, agricultural biotechnology remains contentious. New technologies bring uncertainty concerning their risks and promises and create new policy process challenges for governments assessing risks and benefits in the face of contradictory evidence. Stakeholders typically claim to have evidence to support their positions, which often focuses on risks and benefits. Using the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), this study examines the commercialization process for a genetically modified variety of eggplant in India focusing on evidence in support of claims concerning risks and benefits in policy narratives. It examines how evidence and risk are used within policy narratives and explores possible links with setting and plot since the latest NPF research situates evidence and risk in that context. Findings indicate that stakeholders use evidence, risks, and benefits differently, often in connection with other narrative elements and strategies. Proponents de‐emphasize risks and exclusively highlight benefits while opponents invoke multidimensional risk. Evidence was used to portray heroes, villains, victims, and beneficiaries and, since plot situates characters in time and space, there is some support for situating evidence within plot. Risks and benefits were employed as a narrative strategy to expand or limit the scope of the policy issue and were articulated through policy problems. Setting in policy narratives includes policy problems lending support to situating risks and benefits within setting. Findings have implications on the role of evidence and risks and benefits within policy narratives. Related Articles: Crow, Deserai A., Lydia A. Lawhon, John Berggren, Juhi Huda, and Elizabeth Koebele Adrianne Kroepsch. 2017. "A Narrative Policy Framework Analysis of Wildfire Policy Discussions in two Colorado Communities." Politics & Policy 45 (4): 626‐656. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12207 Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39 (3): 373‐400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. "Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1053‐1088. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12187 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of narratives to influence policy decisions has garnered increased scholarly attention over the past decade as use of the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) has expanded in the policy literature. However, we do not know whether policy narratives as defined by the NPF are present in electoral communications or whether there are significant differences in construction of such narratives. Narratives from both Republican and Democratic campaigns in 48 U.S. House campaigns are analyzed in this study, using an automated coding approach to determine whether policy narratives also exist within electoral campaigns, whether they hold similar structures, and whether there are significant differences according to candidate characteristics. We find that electoral policy narratives do hold consistent form and two significant narrative differences exist: (1) policy issues discussed vary based on candidate characteristics such as gender and political affiliation; and (2) character portrayal varies based on party affiliation and gender of the candidate. Related Articles: Crow, Deserai A., Lydia A. Lawhon, John Berggren, Juhi Huda, Elizabeth Koebele, and Adrianne Kroepsch. 2017. "A Narrative Policy Framework Analysis of Wildfire Policy Discussions in two Colorado Communities." Politics & Policy 45 (4): 626‐656. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12207 Ertas, Nevbahar. 2015. "Policy Narratives and Public Opinion Concerning Charter Schools." Politics & Policy 43 (3): 426‐451. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12120 Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39 (3): 373‐400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00295.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public‐ and elite‐level interest concerning recreational marijuana is increasing, thanks in large part to the successful legalization campaigns in four states. Scholars, however, have yet to systemically assess how states allocate and manage marijuana‐related dollars. Some states likely prefer “tight” budgetary control, suggesting that remitted marijuana dollars are largely earmarked to specific purposes. Other states might opt for “looser” budgetary mechanisms, giving law makers more freedom in how they spend marijuana revenues. States may also vary in the tax rates applied to marijuana purchases with some states preferring to charge higher rates. Using information drawn from primary sources, we assess which factors are most helpful in accounting for the budgetary innovations related to recreational marijuana revenues. Related Articles: Lamothe, Scott. 2004. “ Across and within State Reinvention of Workplace Drug Testing Legislation.” Politics & Policy 32 ( 4): 684‐ 707. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2004.tb00201.x/full Bernick, Ethan M., and Nathan Myers. 2012. “ Issue Salience, Party Strength, and the Adoption of Health‐Care Expansion Efforts.” Politics & Policy 40 ( 1): 131‐ 159. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00340.x/full Adams, Brian E. 2016. “ Assessing the Merits of Decentralization: A Framework for Identifying the Causal Mechanisms Influencing Policy Outcomes.” Politics & Policy 44 ( 5): 820‐ 849. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12172/full Related Media: Brookings. 2014. “The Nation Continues to Embrace Marijuana Legalization.” November 5. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2014/11/05/the-nation-continues-to-embrace-marijuana-legalization/ C‐Span. 2014. “Ballot Measures on Marijuana.” November 8. https://www.c-span.org/video/?322625-5/washington-journal-john-hudak-ballot-measures-marijuana Governing States and Localities. 2017. “State Marijuana Laws in 2017 Map.” http://www.governing.com/gov-data/state-marijuana-laws-map-medical-recreational.html [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to determine whether degenerative politics, a central proposition of democratic policy design theory or social constructivism, has been evident in Canadian youth criminal justice policy. Using a synchronic and diachronic case study design, the article conducts a rigorous content analysis of the legislative debates leading to the Young Offenders Act in 1982 and the Youth Criminal Justice Act in 2002. Policy makers' social constructions of violent and nonviolent young offenders are measured, along with the benefit/burden content of the legislation, to determine whether young offenders have been caught in the downward spiral of degenerative politics. It finds evidence of degenerative politics for violent young offenders but not for nonviolent young offenders and explores some of the reasons for this divergence. Related Articles [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]