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Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary politics of China reflect an ongoing effort by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to reclaim the right to rule in light of the consequences of economic development, international pressures, and historical change. China's regime stands out within the Asian region for its success in the effort of adapting to change and ensuring its continuity. Focusing on changes in China's elite discourse during the reform period and particularly during the last decade, the aim of this article is to elaborate the relative importance of various sources of legitimacy as they are shifting over time, as well as inherent dilemmas and limitations. There is evidence of an agile, responsive, and creative party effort to relegitimate the postrevolutionary regime through economic performance, nationalism, ideology, culture, governance, and democracy. At the same time, the study finds a clear shift in emphasis from an earlier economic-nationalistic approach to a more ideological-institutional approach. La política contemporánea China refleja un esfuerzo sostenido del Partido Comunista Chino por continuar ejerciendo el derecho de gobernar a la luz de las consecuencias del desarrollo económico, las presiones internacionales, y el cambio histórico. El régimen Chino se destaca dentro de la región de Asia por su éxito en el esfuerzo de adaptarse al cambio y asegurar su continuidad. Centrándonos en los cambios en el discurso de la elite China durante el periodo de reforma y particularmente durante la última década, el objetivo de este artículo es el de detallar la relativa importancia de las diferentes fuentes de legitimidad y sus variaciones en el tiempo, así como los dilemas y limitaciones inherentes. Existe evidencia de un esfuerzo ágil, sensible y creativo para relegitimar el régimen post-revolucionario a partir del desempeño económico, el nacionalismo, la ideología, la cultura, un buen gobierno, y la democracia. De la misma forma, este estudio encuentra un cambio claro en el énfasis del régimen de un enfoque económico-nacionalista a uno ideológico-institucional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Absent in the human security literature is the role institutions play in determining levels of human security in developing nations. We attempt to determine if human security primarily is a phenomenon of economic development, institutional quality, geography, or some combination. Of these factors, we explore ‘deep determinants’: factors that are strongly correlated with increases or sustained levels of human security. We depart from the mainline literature by applying our model to a sample of former colonies. This narrow focus allows us to concentrate on those populations facing the greatest human security risks. While economists have investigated some elements of the general human security puzzle, thus far their research has produced statistically robust yet theoretically thin findings. Our model attempts to correct for these theoretical shortcomings through the inclusion of strictly focused political and social variables. We find that various deep determinants do indeed contribute to human security in surprising ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reform of agriculture in China is cited by scholars advocating economic growth through market reform. Such scholars argue that this aspect of reform has been characterized by the liberalization of markets for agricultural commodities, which spurred production, increased rural incomes, and reduced poverty. This view exaggerates the roles played by open markets and economic growth in that reform. This article argues that the role of the state in redistributing public assets, establishing institutions that supported markets, and designing and implementing poverty reduction policies also reduced poverty in China. I conclude that scholars, not just in China's case but also more generally, should examine the economic and political effects of various possible relationships between state and market. I offer this as one way forward in deepening our understanding of the role of politics and policy in promoting development and reducing poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of economic development have yet to fully explain the remarkable ascendance of China in the global economy. From the standpoint of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), China's reform trajectory looks nothing like the market-based policies adopted in varying degrees in the early 1990s. Rather, China's transformation has been a lesson in experimentation with various policy combinations. This raises key questions concerning how the LAC region can best contend with China's growing presence in its markets. Whereas Mexico and Central America face stiff competition from China in low and intermediate technology-based industries (textiles, electronics, auto parts), South America has experienced vibrant growth since 2002 led by raw material exports to China, but at the expense of manufacturing exports. This article analyzes new patterns of complementarity and competition in the China–LAC relationship, and it highlights the need for a more targeted competition policy on the part of the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increased devolution of federal responsibilities to states coupled with lack of programs and income is heightening the need for economic development among Native American tribes. The fastest growing and most profitable investment is reservation casino gambling. However, the inability of many tribes to successfully negotiate gaming ‘compacts’ with state governments as prescribed by federal law is creating a new dynamic in state politics. Tribal governments are increasingly engaged in interest group behavior, such as narrowing the scope of conflict, and inside and outside lobbying, to try and create favorable policy decisions. Using a case study of two Texas tribes, an analysis of interest group learning is conducted. We conclude that, in order to survive, tribal gaming interest groups must gain access to state political venues instead of relying on the federal government and the courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]