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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.02058.x Byline: MEG RUSSELL (1), PHILLIP COWLEY (2), PETER RIDDELL (3), JUSTIN FISHER (4), LIZ ATKINS (5), JENNY WATSON (6), ELIZABETH FRAZER (7), COLIN HAY (8) Author Affiliation: (1)Reader in British and Comparative Politics at University College London, Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit and a member of the Political Quarterly editorial board. (2)Professor of Parliamentary Government at the University of Nottingham. (3)Chief Political Commentator of The Times for three days a week and a Senior Fellow of the Institute for Government for two days a week, as well as chairman of the Hansard Society. (4)Professor of Political Science and Director of the Magna Carta Institute at Brunei University. (5)Director of Public Policy at NCVO (The National Council for Voluntary Organisations). (6)Has been chair of the Electoral Commission since January 2009 and is a board member of the Audit Commission. She was formerly Chair of the Equal Opportunities Commission. (7)Lecturer in Politics, University of Oxford and Fellow of New College Oxford. (8)Professor of Political Analysis at the University of Sheffield.

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01968.x Byline: MEG RUSSELL (1) Keywords: House of Lords; Parliament; reform; bicameralism Abstract: Twelve years after coming to office, Labour has still not achieved the second stage of House of Lords reform that was promised in 1997. In July 2008 a White Paper-the government's fifth on the subject-was published, setting out plans for an 80 or 100 per cent elected upper house. This article reviews its prospects. It concludes that although the government is now apparently more in line with the views of its supporters, there are many other obstacles. Fundamental differences remain both within and between the political parties, and several key principles remain unresolved. Progress is therefore unlikely. Author Affiliation: (1)Reader in British and Comparative Politics at University College London, where she is deputy director of the Constitution Unit.

The issue of whether the House of Lords have already been reformed is examined. The origins of principles and rationale for the second chamber, as well as, the factors essential to the effectiveness of a second chamber are discussed.

The paradoxical outcome that could have resulted due to the House of Commons being given an opportunity to express a free opinion is explored. The six hypotheses, which would have accounted for the paradox, are tested, and an analysis of the voting pattern of the voting MPs is presented.

The Citizens' Assembly on Brexit was a major exercise in deliberative public engagement conducted in autumn 2017. It brought together fifty randomly selected members of the public for two carefully structured weekends of listening, learning, reflecting and discussing. Assembly members considered what post‐Brexit arrangements the UK should pursue, focusing on trade and migration. On trade, most members wanted the UK to pursue a bespoke arrangement with the EU and rejected the option of leaving the EU with no deal. On migration, most wanted the UK to maintain free movement of labour while using already available policy levers to reduce immigration numbers. These findings provide unique insight into informed public opinion on vital, pressing policy questions. The Assembly also illustrates the valuable role that such deliberative exercises could play in UK democracy. We suggest they could be particularly helpful for unlocking progress on issues such as the future of social care, that are often felt to be 'too difficult' to handle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Second chambers, often called 'Senate,' are common features in federal and other states. Reform for the House of Lords should include features such as smaller size than the House of Commons, longer terms, a different form of representation, the role of protecting the constitution, and different powers.

Abstract: Anthony King's 1976 article ‘Modes of executive–legislative relations: Great Britain, France and West Germany’ is a classic in legislative studies. It argued that it is simplistic to analyse relations between ‘the executive’ and ‘the legislature’ in parliamentary systems, because parliaments are complex organisations comprised of competing actors. Instead, we must consider the various ‘modes’ through which these actors can interact to challenge the executive. As King pointed out, the classic view of the British Parliament was of a dominant ‘opposition mode’ and yet, in fact, the most important relationship was the ‘intraparty mode’: between the government and its own backbenchers. Other options, such as the ‘non‐party mode’ or ‘cross‐party mode’ were considered weak in Britain. This article revisits King's modes in the light of changes at Westminster during the intervening forty years. Developments such as the establishment of the select committee system and a more confident and party‐balanced House of Lords require significant changes to his conclusions. But his central insights, encouraging readers to focus on the multiple relationships inside legislatures, including those within political parties, remain fundamentally important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2011, Britain's Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government published proposals for reform of the House of Lords. In a White Paper and draft bill they set out detailed plans for a largely or wholly elected second chamber. These marked the latest stage in a long-running debate on Lords reform. The government's proposals aim to change the composition of the second chamber, suggesting that there will be no change to its powers or the conventions governing relations with the House of Commons. But this expectation has been disputed. The House of Lords presently does not make full use of its powers, and many anticipate that it would if its members became elected. This paper reviews the composition of all second chambers internationally, showing that wholly directly elected chambers make up the minority, and that both mixed chambers and indirect election are common. It then reviews the formal powers of all largely and wholly elected chambers. This shows that amongst parliamentary systems the formal powers of the House of Lords are relatively great. But second chamber powers, as well as their composition, vary widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Labour Party in Great Britain and its leader Jeremy Corbyn. Topics discussed include political leadership, political parties and elections in Great Britain. Other topics which includes Social Democratic Party (SDP), democracy in political parties and Great Britain's political history are also discussed.