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Northern Ireland has always been a polity noted for its strong links between national identity, religion, and voting, and acute British unionist versus Irish nationalist divisions. The constitutional question of whether Northern Ireland should be part of the UK or a united Ireland dominates. Yet, recent surveys have suggested a sizeable and growing section of its electorate declares itself neither unionist nor nationalist. This development may have assisted the growth of the centrist Alliance Party, which rejects unionist and nationalist identities and claims to be neutral on Northern Ireland's constitutional status. Alliance doubled its vote across three elections in 2019 and is now the third largest party in the region. This article examines the importance of ideological dealignment relative to other factors, such as Alliance's opposition to Brexit, in explaining the rise of a non‐binary party in a divided society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demands for a second Scottish independence referendum have persisted since 2014. The Scottish government introduced the Referendums (Scotland) Bill at Holyrood in May 2019 to enable referendums within the competence of the Scottish parliament. The Scottish National Party (SNP) government presented this as a framework enabling a range of referendums. Opponents saw this as legislating for a second independence referendum. The act will form a large part of the legal framework and rules for any second independence referendum. Importantly, the legislation provides innovation in electoral law more generally. This article discusses the background to the bill, its initial contents, and debates around and amendments to the bill. It discusses its electoral law innovations, before considering its limitations and place as constitutional debates play out over a second independence referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the UK Labour Party's view of the EU single market over the last four decades, focussing on three case study periods when this issue was particularly salient: first, the time of the single market's introduction under Neil Kinnock's leadership; second, the A8 accession with Tony Blair as Labour Prime Minister; and third, between the 2016 European referendum and 2019 general election during Jeremy Corbyn's time as party leader. This historical narrative uses the theoretical approach of Harvard economist Dani Rodrik—of a 'trilemma' faced by national policy makers in response to globalisation—as a lens to describe a clear arc in Labour's policy towards the single market across the three case studies. A position of initial scepticism moved to support under Kinnock's leadership, and then active encouragement under Blair, before coming back again under Corbyn to uncomfortable non‐commitment. This arc directly correlates with the ebb and flow of the party's overall economic approach—first the Keynesian, national Alternative Economic Strategy at the time of the party's 1983 general election defeat; then, the deviation under Blair to a policy that actively encouraged cross‐border market liberalisation; and finally the return to an Alternative Economic Strategy‐style approach under Corbyn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three great Western political traditions (conservatism, liberalism, social democracy) incorporate three of the four possible combinations of the core political axes: traditional, unchanging authority versus the challenge of change, and egalitarianism versus inegalitarianism. The fourth possibility-egalitarian conservatism-has appeared in various guises, but has usually become submerged within the right, including its most authoritarian forms. Current xenophobic movements claiming to represent those suffering from excessive change-for example, those involved in the UK's EU referendum and Donald Trump's victory in the USA-are seeing an apparent resurgence of this neglected tradition. What are its implications for politics in general? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideas developed by the social democratic left have been brought together in Prosperity and Justice. Contributors from a wide spectrum of backgrounds have contributed to a new post neoliberal consensus. More attention needs to be paid to the global level of policy making. International capacity to act is declining just as the need for it grows. Political movements seeking to reassert nationalism against global collaboration are growing. Economic policies cannot be replaced without considering the global institutional structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]