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Peace agreements are complex endeavours that can be carried out from different angles. The perspectives used depend not only on the conflict dynamics but also on the political ideology of each government and that of the international forces that have their own interests concerning the pursuit of peacebuilding in conflict zones. The framework used in each peace agreement has an impact on the different stages of the process, including exploration, negotiation, the final agreement and its implementation. This paper analyses three peace processes implemented by the Colombian government and armed groups from 1982 to 2016. I use three Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) theories to analyze the structure used in each peace process that include realism, democratic-liberal peace, and conflict resolution theories. I conclude that only the most recent peace agreement which ended in 2016 between FARC-EP and the Colombian government incorporated significant elements from the conflict resolution framework, the other two processes fluctuate between realism and the democratic-liberal peace.

Fil: Salvia, Agustín. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas de Argentina; Argentina Fil: Poy Piñeiro, Santiago. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina Fil: Vera, Julieta. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina; Argentina Resumen: El artículo examina el comportamiento de la desigualdad de la distribución del ingreso familiar bajo los distintos regímenes macroeconómicos vigentes en las últimas cuatro décadas en la Argentina, y evalúa los factores que explican sus cambios. Se examina la hipótesis de que en el período mencionado se habría consolidado una matriz de desigualdad asociada a la persistente heterogeneidad estructural del sistema socio-ocupacional, incluso en un contexto de activas políticas distributivas. Para abordar esta hipótesis, se lleva adelante un modelo de descomposición del coeciente de Gini, distinguiendo el aporte de los ingresos de distintos sectores económicos en la desigualdad de ingresos familiares. La información se construyó a partir de la Encuesta Permanente de Hogares del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos de Argentina, correspondientes al Área Gran Buenos Aires, por ser la única para la que existe información durante el conjunto del período. Los hallazgos revelan que la mayor desigualdad distributiva se explica por la mayor inequidad de los ingresos laborales, la mayor concentración de ingresos por parte de los sectores económicos más modernos, y por un empobrecimiento del sector de baja productividad Abstract: This paper examines the behavior of inequality in the distribution of family income under the different macroeconomic regimes in force during the last four decades in Argentina. It also evaluates the factors explaining the changes thereof. This work examines the hypothesis that during the said decades an inequality matrix associated with a persistent structural heterogeneity in the social-occupational systems would have been established, even though if there was a context of active distributive policies. To prove this hypothesis, a model is developed to decompose the Gini coefficient, distinguishing the income contribution to the family-income inequality by different economic sectors. The information is gathered by using the Household Permanent Survey of the Argentinian National Institute for Statistics and Census, specifically, the one applied to the Great Buenos Aires as it was the only one having complete information for the study term. The findings reveal that the highest distributive inequality is explained with a higher inequity in labor earnings, higher concentration of income by the most upgraded economic sectors and the impoverishment of the low-productivity sector

espanolEn este articulo abordo la relacion entre el acaparamiento de tierras, el cultivo de palma de aceite y el paramilitarismo en Colombia desde la optica de la acumulacion primitiva. Para el efecto, hago un analisis de tres casos concretos: el Bajo Atrato en Choco, Mapiripan en Meta y Las Pavas en el sur de Bolivar, todos en Colombia, en los que se han presentado hechos de violencia que incluyen desplazamiento forzado y despojo de tierras, con subsecuentes proyectos de cultivo de palma de aceite a gran escala. La discusion trae a colacion el mercado internacional de agrocombustibles y la necesidad del Estado colombiano de copar territorios que antes le resultaban hostiles EnglishIn this paper I examine the connections between the hogging of lands, the oil palm tree cultivations, and the para-militarism in Colombia through the lens of the primitive accumulation. To do so, I analyze three concrete cases: the Bajo Atrato en Choco [a river basin], Mapiripan in Meta Province, and Las Pavas in the South Bolivar Province. These three Colombian locations have undergone violent events including forced displacement and land deprivation, with subsequent projects for growing oil palm trees on a broad scale. The discussion brings into contention the agricultural biofuel international market and the need by the Colombian State to take some territories that were previously hostile

This paper reports on the position of Brazil andColombia against infrastructure integrationprocesses, understood as part of the process ofregionalization in the South American territory.The study begins placing each of the countrieswithin the regional system and the relationshipof this with its deployment within the internationalsystem. After this, we analyze theway Colombia has addressed infrastructuralintegration inside its foreign policy agendas, oriented towards the relations with its neighbors,realizing the lack of a strategic perspective by theState on the potential subregional which couldassume leadership within the South Americaninfrastructure integration.