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The December 2008 special issue of the Oxford Review of Education provided a review of education policy during Tony Blair's tenure as Prime Minister. This paper forms a response to the ten contributions to that special issue and discusses some of the issues raised in them. While a few positive aspects of education under New Labour were identified in the special edition, it focused more on the failures of New Labour than its achievements. A common theme to emerge from the papers included the government's pursuit of neo-liberal market policies at the expense of its professed commitment to social justice. While accepting that the government's failure to tackle the differences in educational outcomes between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils constitutes a major failing, the present author argues that significant achievements, such as early years provision, were neglected in the special issue. He also discusses the electoral considerations facing New Labour and the personal role of Tony Blair in determining policy. The paper goes on to consider whether New Labour's education policy has changed since the departure of Blair and identifies some hints of a potentially more progressive approach developing under Brown. It concludes by suggesting that contributing towards a debate about alternatives to Blairite policies should now become a priority for the 'educational establishment'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article serves as an introduction to the papers that follow. It shows how well-being has become a significant focus of much educational policy in the UK, and explores how this has come about. Differing definitions of well-being are reviewed, as is the empirical base on which many of the interventions to improve well-being have been founded. Some of the major criticisms of this shift in policy are outlined, and the article includes a consideration of the validity of these criticisms. Finally it is noted that, while some elements of well-being are based on empirical research, much of the impetus for the focus on well-being has stemmed from the political agenda in the UK over the past decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From his very earliest days in office, Tony Blair believed that if he was to achieve his broader educational reforms then the teaching profession itself needed modernising—it had to become a '21st century profession'. This paper charts the background to this aspiration and the complex range of interrelated policies used to achieve that reform. They included: a changed role for initial teacher education; a more differentiated workforce; strategies to 'focus' professionalism (appraisal, standards and CPD); and a redefinition of professional knowledge. Through these policies, the Government hoped to harness teacher professionalism to their broader reform agenda. The paper concludes with a discussion of Tony Blair's legacy in this field both in England and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the liberal studies movement, a significant feature of the English further education (FE) sector from the 1950s until the beginning of the 1980s. Its central argument is that liberal and general studies (LS/GS) and similar provision offered a vehicle where, at least in some circumstances, certain politically-motivated FE teachers were able to engage in forms of mutual, dialogic teaching and learning which can be conceptualised as critical pedagogy—or at least as close to critical pedagogy as can be achieved within the formal education system in a nation such as England. The paper draws on interviews with former FE lecturers who taught various forms of liberal studies to vocational students in FE colleges across England during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Whilst it is recognised that LS/GS was always contested terrain, data presented in this paper provide evidence to suggest that the spirit of critical pedagogy existed amongst a certain strand within the liberal studies movement, at least for a time—even if not all learners wished to be emancipated by their studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three main programmes of the Geneva-registered International Baccalaureate (IB) have grown substantially worldwide over the past decade, although the programmes have found a natural ‘home’ in the United States. This paper charts the growth of the IB in the United Kingdom (UK) revealing that involvement there, mainly in England and mainly with the original pre-university Diploma Programme (IBDP), peaked at about 230 schools in 2010, but since then the IBDP has begun suddenly to decline. Yet, in no other country has there been a fall in IBDP provision. This paper offers some key explanations for this phenomenon, where a lack of funding and continued lack of university recognition in the face of Advanced Level (A-Level) reform and numerous ‘baccalaureate’ developments has led to many state-funded schools in particular dropping the IBDP. Thirdly, this paper discusses a number of implications, both for the IB itself and education in the UK in general. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Describes the challenges faced by a local education authority from 1987 to 1997, ten years after the introduction of the Education Reform Act in Great Britain. Analyses on the Conservative Government's White Paper Self Government for Schools and the White Paper Excellence in Schools; Potential role of the local education authority in the future.

This paper examines the roles of research in teacher education across the four nations of the United Kingdom. Both devolution and on-going reviews of teacher education are facilitating a greater degree of cross-national divergence. England is becoming a distinct outlier, in which the locus for teacher education is moving increasingly away from Higher Education Institutions and towards an ever-growing number of school-based providers. While the idea of teaching as a research-based profession is increasingly evident in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, it seems that England, at least in respect of the political rhetoric, recent reforms and explicit definitions, is fixed on a contrastingly divergent trajectory towards the idea of teaching as a craft-based occupation, with a concomitant emphasis on a (re)turn to the practical. It is recommended that research is urgently needed to plot these divergences and to examine their consequences for teacher education, educational research and professionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an introduction in which the editors discuss the history of the journal and introduce the special issue's topic of educational inequality in Great Britain.

From the mid-1970s to the early 1980s, schools micro-computing in the UK developed from being a niche ‘hobbyist’ activity to a prominent, officially mandated element of the national education system. Drawing on in-depth interviews with key actors of the time, this paper outlines the initial varied interpretations of schools micro-computing in the UK, identifying the social groups that were involved in pursuing these interpretations, and then considering which meanings and values gained dominance over others. This ‘social shaping’ analysis highlights the processes that underpinned the gradual stabilisation of the meaning(s) around the micro-computer in an educational context. The paper concludes by considering how the eventually dominant interpretations of schools micro-computing can be explained in terms of the technological frames of relevant social groups—not least the differing determinist assumptions of groups hoping to encourage the radical computer-led transformation of schools and schooling, as opposed to those seeking the continuation of established interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates whether the inter-generational benefits of parental adult education exist over and above the achievement of parental educational qualifications during schooling and whether returns to parental adult learning are greatest for children of parents with low levels of education. Using data from the UK Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children, ALSPAC, results show that mothers' participation in adult education is not associated with improvements in their children's academic attainment in English and mathematics at age 14 once the previous parental academic qualifications are included. This lack of relationship was found for the overall sample, and for subgroups defined by the type of adult education (accredited, unaccredited or informal learning), the intensity of learning (duration and engagement) and by mothers' prior educational qualifications. Although our results suggest that maternal adult learning is not a key factor for improvement in children's test scores at age 14, further research is needed to investigate the role of parental adult learning at other stages of children's cognitive development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unprecedented extent of privatisation of provision in the school system on a for-profit basis is clearly one of the most significant transformations accomplished by the Blair government. However, another aspect of private sector involvement has proved much more problematic: the direct involvement of employers in the formation of the future workforce, in two forms: employer-led vocationally-oriented diplomas and state schools—Academies—run by business interests. Both strategies remain key policies of the Brown government and have been endorsed by the Conservative opposition. However, whether these two strategies can provide the basis of a stable policy settlement depends upon the extent to which they prove capable of delivering the 'human capital' the economy is claimed to require. This paper assesses the evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formative assessment has attracted increasing attention from both practitioners and scholars over the last decade. This paper draws on the authors' empirical research conducted over eleven years in educational situations ranging from infant schools to postgraduate education to propose a theorisation of formative assessment. Formative assessment is seen as taking place when teachers and learners seek to respond to student work, making judgements about what is good learning with a view to improving that learning. However, the theorisation emphasises formative assessment as being a discursive social practice, involving dialectical, sometimes conflictual, processes. These bring into play issues of power in which learners' and teachers' identities are implicated and what counts as legitimate knowledge is framed by institutional discourses and summative assessment demands. The paper argues that, rather than only paying attention to the content of learning, an ambition for formative assessment might be to deconstruct these contextual issues, allowing a critical consideration of learning as a wider process of becoming. The article suggests a model that might be useful to teachers and learners in achieving this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developments in the British system of school inspections have been attracting a great deal of interest over the past number of years, arguably in a politically motivated 'policy' debate in the main, but importantly and increasingly in an educational value context. Questions about the process and its impact, and the cost of undertaking such intensive programmes as currently exist, are being asked ever louder. As a result, and in order to inform it, the debate is attracting more empirically based analysis; the work reported here is a contribution to this knowledge base. In comparison to the body of research undertaken to examine the English model of school inspections, little is known about the effects of school inspection on teachers and schools in Northern Ireland. This paper addresses this issue and presents findings from a study of the perceptions and experiences of some 70 Northern Ireland primary and secondary-level schools. The results suggest that most school principals in Northern Ireland consider the inspection programme to be professional and supportive. However, there are clear reservations about the extent of anxiety induced by the process, the amount of time necessary to prepare for the inspection and the inclusion of lay persons in the inspection team. This paper discusses these findings in a UK context and argues the need for independent research into the inspection of schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since coming to power in 2010, the UK Coalition government in power has implemented a range of reforms in relation to assessment at all stages of education in England. This paper focuses on two assessment reforms relating to children aged five and six years old, and considers their evolution from manifesto commitments to practice in classrooms. These reforms are the introduction of the Phonics Screening Check at age six, and the revised Early Years Foundation Stage Profile at age five. The main focus is on the coherence of these policies, both over time and as part of an overall government strategy on assessment in early years and primary education. It is argued that, despite claims of reducing bureaucracy, these assessment policies are driven by an agenda of increasing accountability in the first years of primary school. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 1998 all maintained schools, academies and city technology colleges in England and Wales have been required to publish a home–school agreement. This documents the school’s responsibilities and the obligations of parents, and itemises the behaviour expected of pupils. Most of the parties sign it, from as young as four, although there is no legal obligation to do so. Interview evidence would suggest, however, that the agreement is not only asymmetrically constructed but can be read as part of a broader and worrying shift in cultural practice that augments law-based or ‘juridified’ forms of social management. It also suffers from deficits more commonly associated with contract theory insofar as it makes similar assumptions about human nature that misjudge and undervalue the qualities of moral obligation and trust. The paper argues that this creates problems for schools functionally dependent upon social integration through shared values and consensus formation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

'Realising the potential of new technology' was one of the central educational themes of New Labour's 1997 election manifesto, with 'information and communications technology' (ICT) established subsequently as a prominent feature of the Blair administration policy portfolio. As such New Labour can claim rightly to have made an unprecedented and sustained political commitment to technology in education, directing over £5 billion of funding towards educational ICT during the 1997 to 2007 period. Yet the fact remains that the New Labour ICT agenda has failed to achieve the much promised technological 'transformation' of the UK education system. With this in mind the present paper develops the argument that New Labour's concern with educational ICT was driven primarily by concerns over enhancing competitiveness in a globalising economy, creating a lifelong learning system fit for a successful knowledge economy and modernising the formal education sector. Thus whilst New Labour's ICT agenda may well have had the short term impact of increasing the physical presence of ICT resources in all education institutions, its longer-term educational legacy was compromised by the wider macro-level issues it purported to address. As such the legacy of this high-profile segment of policy-making should be seen primarily in terms of establishing ICT as an ideological presence in the UK education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the leadership of Tony Blair New Labour committed itself to raise standards, tackle educational failure and use education to combat disadvantage. This paper examines New Labour's approaches to school improvement, particularly the origins and enactment of 'zero tolerance' strategies, the different groups of schools identified as needing remedial action, different intervention strategies for poorly performing and failing schools including inspection, Fresh Start, Academies and the London Challenge. It explores evidence of their impact on school improvement, educational standards and equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing a coherent 14-19 phase of education and training has been a major feature of the last ten years of the Labour government. This has been the case, too, of the Welsh Assembly Government since its establishment in 1999 with its separate education policy and arrangement. The English 'project' might be characterised by (i) a more holistic approach to the total welfare of the young person, reflected in the attempt to join up the various services which affect welfare in general and educational achievement in particular; (ii) the 'personalisation' of learning; (iii) collaboration or partnership between the different providers of education and training; (iv) a reform of the whole system of qualifications; (v) a revamp of the training and apprenticeship system; and (vi) increased central 'management' of the system to ensure targets are reached. The Welsh 'project' has been different in many respects—an interesting contrast as the two systems increasingly diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Grid for Learning (NGfL) not only represents the most ambitious educational computing initiative to date but also heralds one of the largest public/private education policy partnerships the UK has even seen. In reflecting the growing influence of market and technological forces the NGfL should, therefore, be treated as a significant education signpost for the new century. Before the initiative reaches full operation a major step in the 'construction' of the Learning Grid has been its formation within government and official discourse. This discursive construction is important inasmuch as it makes an 'ethereal' initiative a tangible concern, shaping expectations among both the education and business communities and consequently influencing the future effectiveness of the NGfL. From this basis, the present article examines how the National Grid for Learning is being discursively constructed by government and official actors at a macro level through policy and advisory documents, official statements and other rhetoric. In doing so the article highlights how the NGfL is being shaped within a restrictive technocratic and determinist discourse, thus conforming to traditional narratives of society and technology. The paper then aims to show how such construction negates crucial social and economic elements of the initiative and threatens, ultimately, to restrict the eventual educational effectiveness of the Grid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a paper that aims to contribute to increasing awareness of the disadvantage experienced by children whose need is compounded by exclusion from the education system and tension between child care legislation and education reform in Britain. Schools' inability to manage children's challenging behavior; Changing role of education in the transition to a post-industrial society.

Although the famous Blair mantra 'education, education, education' was applied by his government mainly to the compulsory education sector, there was no shortage of initiatives in Higher Education (HE). The scene was set by the Dearing Report in 1997 which effectively determined the direction of Blair's first term. The second term enabled Blair to pursue further an agenda of public sector reform, yet the simultaneous commitment to market principles of choice and diversity and to social inclusion created major tensions and dilemmas. Funding the expanded HE was the stimulus which led to Dearing, and has continued to be the major challenge of the ten-year period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New evidence is provided about the degree of social segregation in England's secondary schools, employing a cross-national perspective. Analysis is based on data for 27 industrialised countries from the 2000 and 2003 rounds of the Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA). We allow for sampling variation in the estimates. England is shown to be a middle-ranking country, as is the USA. High segregation countries include Austria, Belgium, Germany and Hungary. Low segregation countries include the four Nordic countries and Scotland. In explaining England's position, we argue that its segregation is mostly accounted for by unevenness in social background in the state school sector. Cross-country differences in segregation are associated with the prevalence of selective choice of pupils by schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local Education Authorities (LEAs) have been features of the administrative landscape of England and Wales for a century. For most of this period, their role, as central government's key partners in the operation of the national education system, expanded. However, intense criticisms of educational organisation and standards, during the 1970s, led to re-assessment of, and ultimately to major reductions in, their responsibilities, during the 1980s and 1990s. This article surveys the changed and changing role of LEAs, and the debate that has surrounded it, during their hundred years of existence, with particular reference to the period since the 1988 Education Reform Act. The concluding part of the article focuses on current developments under the New Labour government, which has assigned a definite but limited range of functions to LEAs. It is argued in this article that, as the 'intermediate level' of LEA administration has been relegated to a marginal role, little purpose would be served by implementing recent proposals for a radical restructuring of the local educational administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considers the extent to which grant-maintained schools have contributed to the diversification of the British educational system. Evidence of the schools' contribution to school programs; Interviews with headteachers of some grant-maintained schools; Interpretation of headteachers on demands of national policy frameworks and local competitive markets in education.

Evaluates the impact of the National curriculum, the National Vocational Qualification (NVQ) on educational curriculum in England and Wales. How NVQ re-opened the debate about education and training in Britain; Traditional, subject-centered and progressive student-centered education in England and Wales; Conclusions.

The authors explore the educational implications of the religious identity of Muslim students in Great Britain. Topics covered include how religious identity became the assumption that underpins popular discourse about Muslims, complex relationship of religification with schooling and education and the tendency of educators and researchers to trap Muslims in the limits of religious identity.

The time has come to re-assess the role that Philosophy has to play in the education of teachers, both at the beginning of and during their careers. The currently fashionable craft conception of teaching is inadequate as a preparation for a career in teaching. Philosophy of Education has an important role to play in preparing for a career in teaching. First, it enables teachers to acquire a grasp of the conceptual field of education and an ability to find their way around the often contested views within that field, which in turn impinge upon the normative structure of particular education systems. Second, it enables them to understand better the conceptual debates that involve the subjects that they are teaching. Third it enables teachers to understand the scope and limits of empirical research in education and the relationships between that research and conceptual issues in education. These claims are discussed with examples, and recent government statements about standards and competences in teaching are looked at through the perspective of a conceptually informed, career-oriented profession of teaching. Reasons for the past decline of philosophy of education in teacher education and how they might be avoided in the future are also reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This report draws on 53 focus group interviews conducted with students aged 13 and 15 in both representative and innovating UK secondary schools. The schedule for these discussions covered a wide range of issues relating to the use of Web 2.0 services both in and out of school. These young people were often deeply engaged with this technology and broadly positive as to that experience. However, they also identified a shared set of circumstances associated with its use (or potential use) in school that could be variously stressful, frustrating, threatening or devious. It is argued that the social and cognitive practices young people cultivate through the recreational use of Web 2.0 tools and services should not be regarded as general competencies. Rather those practices will be shaped and constrained by the particular socio-cultural settings in which such tools are used. If neither students nor teachers are firmly embracing Web 2.0 in the settings of education, then this may reflect tensions that exist between different ambitions and expectations associated with in-school versus out-of-school cultures. If adoption of Web 2.0 in education remains modest, the present perspective goes beyond merely denying a rhetoric of the ‘digital native’. Moreover, these findings suggest a sophisticated awareness among young people of institutional, social and moral tensions associated with modern web-based services, as well as a greater level of ambiguity of attitude than is normally recognised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is tempting to view the Blairite legacy as a simple story of political hypocrisy: a government, swept to power after almost two decades of Conservative rule, promising much but reneging on those commitments and falling back on Thatcherite authoritarian popularism when the going got tough. But that would be too simple a story. The Blairite policy trajectory in relation to race and education reveals problems that are much more deep-rooted, and more significant, than mere political opportunism. The failure to address racism as a structural factor that shapes the assumptions of the education system (embodied in notions of selection, ability and discipline) made possible, maybe even inevitable, a situation where race equality would be sacrificed to the perceived interests and sensitivities of White people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An account is given of the development of a distinctive set of education policies in Wales after devolution of power in 1999. In contrast to policies in England that emphasised consumer choice concerning accountability, and central state 'support' of the profession, Wales chose a more 'producerist' paradigm that emphasised collaboration between educational partners. Differences between the two societies are also in evidence concerning levels of expenditure, and the role of local authorities as delivery mechanisms. Performance data do not suggest that Wales has improved more rapidly than England, although there are considerable difficulties in making these kinds of assessments. Conclusions are drawn concerning the legacy of Welsh educational change for the New Labour/Blairite paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tony Blair's period as Head of the Labour Government from 1997 until 2007 has been heralded as a period of increased parental power and growing choice within education. However, beneath the rhetoric, Blair's legacy has been one of consolidating and re-inforcing previous Conservative policies that stressed parental responsibilities whilst operating with a white middle-class norm. As a result, inequalities between parents have grown under Blair as working-class parents are positioned as failing, and middle-class parents monopolise educational initiatives initially set up to benefit the disadvantaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While faith schools have always been an integral part of the English state-maintained system of education, during Tony Blair's period as Prime Minister there was a distinct encouragement of the sector. This article assesses the long-term effects of such support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that it is now particularly pertinent to examine the implications for diversity of different conceptions of citizenship, given the current socio-political climate globally, as well as the current national context in the United Kingdom. I have categorised conceptions of citizenship into four main categories - 'moral', 'legal', 'participatory', and 'identity-based' conceptions. This categorisation is based on original empirical research which examined conceptions of citizenship in the policy and curriculum development process of citizenship education in England, held by the 'key players' involved, and supported by analysis of key policy and curriculum documentation (QCA, 1998, 2000, 2001). I examine the implications for ethnic and religious diversity of each of the conceptions. I argue that citizenship education's dominant 'participative' model will not be able to achieve an inclusive citizenship unless it is coupled with a modified 'identity-based' model. I propose the concept of 'institutional multiculturalism', constituted as process. This focus on a consideration of the process by which shared values can then be achieved has typically been neglected by those calling for shared values in multicultural societies. In conclusion, I outline some implications for policy, curriculum and pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain why it is that in England, despite twentieth-century moves towards egalitarianism in education, the selection and segregation of those regarded as being gifted, talented, or of higher ability in better resourced schools and programmes is now increasingly acceptable. Explanations for moves away from attempts to offer a common curriculum in equally well-resourced comprehensive schools centre round the hegemonic view that in a world of global economic competitiveness, national economies need to nurture high levels of knowledge and skills. Unsurprisingly, selective policies benefit the upper socio-economic groups with some concessions made to selecting out the able poor. The latest set of selective policies adopted by the English government centre round programmes for the 'Gifted and Talented'. The article uses work from the Frankfurt school of critical theorists, notably Herbert Marcuse's notion of 'One-Dimensional Man' to suggest that there is an irrational one-dimensional view of the world economy which leads to a competitive scramble to acquire élite qualifications, abandoning notions of equality and meritocracy, and deploying ruthless strategies which require economic, cultural and social capital. Parents and students in this one-dimensional world are subject to a permanent oppressive educational competition. The article concludes that many middle-class parents may come to feel dispossessed as promises held out for education and employment fail to materialise, and success in a competitive global economy proves to be a one-dimensional mirage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay the author ranges over the last 50 years with the view of an insider, looking at the development of LEAs from the perspective of the various roles he has taken: as pupil, teacher, parent, administrator, university teacher, trainer and researcher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents several misinterpretations of John Dewey and his influence in British education. Assertion that Dewey promotes ahistoric and cultureless education; Claim that Dewey sacrificed knowledge and facts to skills and processes; Statement that Dewey rejected the authority of teachers.

Examines the extent of the problem for GCE Advanced Level courses in a number of colleges in the further education funded sector in Great Britain. Scale of the drop-out effect in the colleges; Educational factors affecting drop-outs; Conclusions.

Focuses on the management of the education system in Great Britain under the Conservative government from 1988-1997. Introduction of market competition in the Education Reform Act of 1988; Changes introduced by the law on the governance of higher education; Aim of encouraging more schools to become self-governing; Expectations of educational policy change under the Labour government.

Focuses on the impact of the Education Reform Act of 1987 on the work and role of the head teacher in Great Britain. Assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of Local Management of Schools; Increasing range of headteacher accountabilities; Expectations on the New Labor government's management of the school system.

Presents an overview of the revolutionary changes in education in England and Wales in 1997 following the Education Reform Act of 1987. Major changes in higher education and in teacher training before the law; Discussion on the changes as they affected the school curriculum and regular testing; Role of school governors in the management of the education system.

Traces the attempts of various existing private schools and potential sponsors in Great Britain to establish new schools within the state system. Result of the 1993 Education Act; Applications for sponsored grant-maintained status which have been successful; Argument on the Funding Agency for Schools and the Department of Education and Employment manner of carrying out the scheme.

Analyzes interviews with primary school practitioners about the implementation of the English/Welsh National Curriculum, during the 18-month period up to the interim Dearing Report in 1993. Predictions about changes from child-focused to standard curricula; From informal to formal methods; From local to standard assessments.

Discusses the contradictory messages contained in the Children Act 1989, the Education and Reform Act 1988 and the Education Act 1993 with regard to the role of the local authority and the rights of children in Great Britain. Concept of children in need within the education system; Government policies for pupils with problems.

Argues that education and social work objectives are interdependent in the context of children looked after by local authorities in Great Britain. Education of children as national issue; Creation of the Manchester Teaching Service by the Manchester City Council of England; Operational effectiveness of residential and field social work.

Describes the emerging international economy and education reforms in the United States and Great Britain. Brief information on the economic development of the nations; Policy problems for industrialized nations; Contribution of education to economy; Educational and governmental components; Comparison of the educational reforms of United States and Great Britain; More.