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This paper scrutinises citizenship education in Turkey from the foundation of the Turkish Republic (1923) to the present and explores the extent to which it encourages inclusive or exclusive concepts of national identity and citizenship. In Turkey, where there are citizens belonging to ethnic and religious minorities, civic education plays a prominent role for promoting tolerance among citizens. Using framing questions from phase one of the International Association for the Educational Achievement’s (IEA) research of Civic Education Across Countries, the civic education textbooks of Turkey are examined to determine the extent to which they promote democracy and human rights, make positive references to ethnic and religious minorities, and promote social cohesion. As Turkey was not included in phase one of the IEA study, the paper provides original information for comparative studies, reconsideration of citizenship education in multicultural societies and promoting an active national citizenry in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education for citizenship is firmly on the policy agenda throughout Britain, and there is an expectation that teachers will create a participative, consultative ethos in schools. This paper identifies three main vehicles for pupil consultation: elected pupil councils, democratic and participative classrooms and opportunities for pupils to engage with controversial issues within the curriculum. It focuses on a longitudinal study of pupils' experience of democratic practice in Scottish schools in relation to these vehicles. Evidence from a diverse sample of primary schools illustrates the way in which upper-stage pupils are encouraged to participate in decision-making processes and engage in the discussion of contemporary social issues of their own interest both in the classroom and during pupil council meetings. In addition, further evidence of the extent to which these same pupils' experience of the democratic process evolves following their transition to secondary school is reported. The paper raises new questions about the extent to which Scottish pupils may be exposed to a progressive model of democratic education, and suggests that children may be given more opportunities for consultation in primary school than they are in the early stages of secondary school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports an investigation into how secondary student participants in Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement related this particular political experience to their learning of Liberal Studies. Questionnaire-based surveys and interviews were conducted to probe their interpretations of Liberal Studies’ impact on their political involvement and their perceptions of national versus local identity. The results indicate that students perceived the subject to have offered them background knowledge necessary for comprehending the movement rather than functioning as the cause of their participation against the backdrop of wider socio-economic conflicts in the community at large. Moreover, the current Liberal Studies curriculum seems to have reinforced students’ sense of a dichotomy between their local and national identities. Further examination of that dichotomy sheds light on both the review of Liberal Studies and another recently proposed, but swiftly shelved, curriculum: Moral and National Education. The study’s broad implications for citizenship education worldwide are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the nature of citizenship found in recent republican cosmopolitan work within political theory. It argues that republican cosmopolitanism, which seeks to recognise the importance of both cosmopolitan and active citizenry within global political communities, offers important insights through which the nature of global citizenship education may be understood. After identifying the central substantive tenets of republican cosmopolitanism, key issues raised by these for citizenship education are discussed. It is suggested that citizenship education can benefit conceptually from understanding and interrogating global issues from a republican cosmopolitan perspective, and that in turn recourse to republican cosmopolitan ideas raises important questions concerning the nature and focus of global aspects of the citizenship curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government advice in relation to 'countering violent extremism' (CVE) in English schools requires teachers to identify students 'at risk' of radicalisation whilst also encouraging them to facilitate open classroom discussions of controversial issues. Data collected in seven schools illustrate how teachers are responding to this advice and illuminate three tensions within 'controversial issues' pedagogy. First, we discuss the tension between depth and coverage in case studies, which risks treating history as parable. Second, we identify a problem with finding a genuinely open ethical dilemma to discuss, which entails the risk of adopting a hypocritical stance in the classroom. Third, we identify a tendency to perceive school as the antidote to undesirable social attitudes. The teachers' responses highlight the usefulness of framing certain issues as 'controversial' but also illustrate how difficult this can be in practice, especially in the context of CVE, which is perceived by many as a controversial policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This narrative documentary study depicts two approaches of citizenship education (CE) in Beijing over the past decade—change through curriculum development, versus change through the international exchange of ideals and practices. It reveals the varied interests of CE designers and the tensions arising from competing approaches to CE. Analysis unfolds three dimensions of CE in Beijing, i.e. CE as a civic mission advocated by Chinese scholars, as a diplomatic platform for local government to showcase the city’s image building, and as an authoritarian agent serving to resist notions and terminologies associated with the state’s political enemies. Reframing the citizenship discourses into these three dimensions allows us to order, conceptually, how we approach the function of CE in Beijing. The case of Beijing illuminates the methods, tensions, and likely future directions of CE in other Chinese polities, such as Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Singapore is an example of a country where there is centralised control of the school curriculum and where political leaders wield direct influence over citizenship education. Co-ordinated and sustained effort is made to transmit the salient knowledge and values, develop the ‘right’ instincts and attitudes, to help students become believers in the particular ‘truths’ deemed necessary for the survival of Singapore. This article examines how a citizenship-related curriculum, social studies, develops students for their role as citizens by addressing the nature of the curriculum, the conception of citizenship promoted and the nature of thinking. Does the state have the right to impose its values on students, and to teach them to think in a particular way, or to believe certain ‘truths’? Are students respected as citizens or are they treated as subjects by the curriculum? The study found that social studies promotes a citizenship that is fraught with assumptions and contradictions, particularly by framing the notion of the common good in terms of national interests. This constrains the exercise of citizenship, trivialises participation and de-contextualises thinking. As a result, the students are more often treated like subjects than citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Teachers understand and apply citizenship education differentially in traditional western democracies. But what of Asian countries where democracy is more recent and treated differently and where countries have traditions of highly controlled education systems? Do teachers have and demonstrate independence of thought in civic matters? This article reports on a study of social studies teachers' understandings of citizenship education, and how these understandings influence their teaching. We found that teacher understandings and practice of citizenship education were located in three distinct groupings, characterised as nationalistic, socially concerned and person oriented. This reflected a citizenship education landscape in Singapore that, despite tight controls, was not as rigid, prescriptive or homogenous as literature on the Asian region suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that it is now particularly pertinent to examine the implications for diversity of different conceptions of citizenship, given the current socio-political climate globally, as well as the current national context in the United Kingdom. I have categorised conceptions of citizenship into four main categories - 'moral', 'legal', 'participatory', and 'identity-based' conceptions. This categorisation is based on original empirical research which examined conceptions of citizenship in the policy and curriculum development process of citizenship education in England, held by the 'key players' involved, and supported by analysis of key policy and curriculum documentation (QCA, 1998, 2000, 2001). I examine the implications for ethnic and religious diversity of each of the conceptions. I argue that citizenship education's dominant 'participative' model will not be able to achieve an inclusive citizenship unless it is coupled with a modified 'identity-based' model. I propose the concept of 'institutional multiculturalism', constituted as process. This focus on a consideration of the process by which shared values can then be achieved has typically been neglected by those calling for shared values in multicultural societies. In conclusion, I outline some implications for policy, curriculum and pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on a comparative study of civic education in six countries-Britain, the USA, Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands and Australia. Differing policies and practices with respect to citizenship education among the six Western democracies were found to be associated with different patterns of adolescent student political attitudes and perceptions. In those contexts in which civic education includes political content and opportunities for students to explore and express opinions on public policy issues, and to engage in decision-making, young people (ages 15-19) appear to be more interested in the political arena than in those contexts in which they do not have such experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on a study by the European Commission on the features of projects within its transnational education, training and youth programs which contribute to political education. Findings of the study; Best practice in education for active citizenship; Framework proposed which might be applied to any program of political education.

Citizenship education needs to start from the values and associated institutional practices and civic virtues of liberal democracy. Citizens need political knowledge and skills but they also need to be certain sorts of people, to exercise civic virtues. The view that civic virtues are unnecessary in a democracy is considered and rejected, as is the view that civic education should not begin in the first school. It is argued that the fostering of civic virtues can and should begin in the first school, primarily through its organisation and ethos. For it to do so, however, attention needs to be devoted to it in teacher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]