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China has evolved into an important provider of resources for developing countries, encompassing capital, know-how and expertise. China has also actively worked to strengthen diplomatic ties with developing regions since the early 2000s. Against this backdrop, the governments in many developing countries have moved to incorporate China as a significant factor in their geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), Turkey has also sought to foster relations with China, particularly since the early 2010s. This pursuit has been further triggered by Ankara's strained relations with the United States and the European Union. Turkish political leadership envisions China as a potentially crucial partner that could enhance the country's autonomy in relation to the West. While this expectation has not entirely materialized so far, there is an ongoing debate regarding the extent to which China can potentially be a transformative actor in Turkey's position within the international order. This paper contributes to this debate by locating Turkey-China engagement within a broader context of China's power and influence in the developing world. The paper suggests that the potential for Turkey's cooperation with China is likely to remain relatively limited for the foreseeable future. This is not only due to Turkey's deeply rooted ties with the West, but also because of the nature of China's global power, which is more partial and not as deep as commonly assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper identifies the links between transnational municipal networks and international agreements in the environmental arena. It is taken for granted that transnational municipal networks support global environmental action and the process of sustainable development, in particular giving access to resources, with technical support and knowledge, but to what extent international agreements such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Paris Agreement, or the Convention on Biological Diversity guide the action of these networks? The research resorts to content analysis to examine the goals, mission, and published documents of two networks in particular, ICLEI and Mercosur, in the search for clear connections with the intergovernmental level. The paper contributes to the understanding of the role of transnational municipal networks in environmental governance, identifying through abductive reasoning the diffusion of norm from the international to the local level and underlining the importance of the role of international, national and local actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the African continent in the 21st century. With the end of the Cold War and the world order centered on a bipolar logic, Turkey has had greater autonomy to manage its international relations, maintaining a more active foreign policy by expanding its economic, diplomatic, and security affairs beyond the West. In this context, under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the African continent has come to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Turkish foreign relations. Thus, since the early 2000s, there has been a substantial increase in Turkey's presence on the continent, characterized, among other aspects, by the intensification of bilateral trade flows, the expansion of the diplomatic network on the continent, its participation in the mediation of conflicts and the offer of humanitarian assistance to African actors. In this context, and based on the literature on Middle Powers and Regional Powers, this paper discusses the intensification of Turkey's ties with African countries since the beginning of the 21st century, comprehending it as part of a broader international projection strategy. To this end, the study adopts a hermeneutic approach, relying on the literature review on Turkish-African relations and the analysis, supported by quantitative data, of the developments of these relations in the political, economic, and security axes throughout the period in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the practice of international election observation in the Commonwealth Caribbean was affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many countries were faced with the decision on whether to conduct or delay elections during the pandemic. Between March 2020 and June 2022, 10 out of 12 Commonwealth Caribbean countries held elections. All these countries, except for Barbados, have had their elections observed by at least one regional or international organization during the last two decades. The closure of borders and the various quarantine requirements had practical implications for maintaining this trend during the pandemic. Most countries that regularly invite international observers did not have their pandemic held elections observed. This paper considers the reasons for the absence of observers in some elections and explores the adjustments observer groups have had to make during the last two years. The discussion also explores how Caribbean countries were able to indicate their commitment to holding free and fair elections in the absence of observers. For the countries that had observers, the discussion examines how these missions navigated issues of cost, shorter invitation periods, challenges in international travel, the recruitment of suitable observers and local pandemic protocols and conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on global cities tends to explain the internationalization of cities almost exclusively from the perspective of recent developments in global capitalism, developments that have put cities at the heart of an increasingly globalized, financialized, and deregulated world economy. The internationalization of these so-called global cities is seen as a response to, and is conditioned by, external, and mainly economic, exigencies. Research on the foreign relations of city governments has followed in this tradition, with a predominant focus on the global drivers and manifestations, as well as the systemic implications of this phenomenon. Little academic attention has been given to the domestic contexts within which city governments develop and exercise their international agency. This paper is inspired by the emergence of alternative accounts in the global cities literature, which have underscored the importance of the domestic context in making sense of the contemporary internationalization of cities, to analyze the domestic sources of the City of Johannesburg's foreign relations from 2011 to 2016. While acknowledging Johannesburg's global cities ambition as a major driver of the city government's international relations during this period, we identify and analyze a set of local and national factors that equally inspired and conditioned the city's foreign engagements. These include the huge socio-economic and spatial divide that continues to define the city, the influence of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its doctrine of progressive internationalism, as well as the then mayor's internationalist outlook and domestic political ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's coastal cities have been playing a pivotal role in international relations through culture, commerce, and connectivity since the hoary past. In modern times, coastal cities such as Mumbai (formerly Bombay) on the Arabian Coast and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) on the Bay of Bengal have been active actors in international affairs. While Mumbai has been the hub of international trade and commerce, Kolkata has been the junction of cultural bonhomie with Bangladesh and Southeast Asian countries, which gained more traction due to cross-border movements of technology, information, education, trade and finance, and artistic tools bolstered by the New Economic Policy beginning in the early 1990s. Indian states and metropolitan cities are enhancing their positions in international affairs with tangible gains. Mumbai is referred to as India's financial capital and the home to the headquarters of great global business houses and financial organisations. Similarly, Kolkata is known as the cultural capital of India (Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, Bengali folk art and culture etc.) and a destination for foreign tourists, artists and curious researchers. This paper examines the growth and impact of city diplomacy in India through the prism of federalism in advancing local interests in international politics. It attempts to assess the role of Indian cities from a comparative perspective in the conduct of city diplomacy from economic and cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the study of Colombian foreign policy. Specifically, it applies foreign policy analysis (fpa) methods to the study of Colombian international politics and international relations. Embarking from the analytical framework of International Regimes, the work describes a specific approach to their study, and thereafter traces the process that preceded Colombia's accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (oecd). It analyzes how the decision to join the oecd is best understood as a foreign policy strategy on the part of the national government. The paper also offers a preliminary evaluation of the process of institutional adaptation accompanying oecd membership and its impact on Colombian society. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources related to the decision-making process carried out by both the national government and the oecd. Additionally, it uses a variety of other sources to illuminate a foreign policy strategy implemented in a complicated international context, one only made more difficult by the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this manner, the paper discusses the challenges and importance of oecd membership, including the delay of its formalization to the point of coinciding with the Covid-19 pandemic. Such unfortunate timing has likely contributed to the perception among many Colombians, of the fruitlessness of membership. While indeed complex and challenging, the paper seeks to present the situation of Colombian membership in more nuanced light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s economic resurgence augurs the possibility of a recalibration in the global balance of power. Many contend that this process is already underway in East Asia – specifically in relation to the South China Sea. In other parts of the world, China’s growing footprint is discernible through infrastructure projects, under Beijing’s Belt and Road initiative. Does China leverage its economic power to realise its interests by forcing smaller nations to accept conditions and agreements which are not in the latter’s interests? This paper examines whether evidence to this effect is visible through a case study of Sri Lanka. The island’s geographic location – astride the Indian Ocean Sea Lanes of Communication – continues to draw the attention of regional and extra-regional powers. Sri Lanka’s constraints in size and poor pace of economic development also grants leeway for India (the regional hegemon) and China to leverage bilateral ties in their interest. Is there evidence to suggest that China has utilised port infrastructure to realise its national interests at the expense of Sri Lanka? Or, has Sri Lanka managed to thread a fine line between the two Asian powers: the neighbouring regional hegemon – India; and the resurgent great power – China? Does the truth lie somewhere in between? This article delves into these questions by examining the approaches and stances which Sri Lanka has adopted towards both nations, particularly during President Gotabaya Rajapakse’s government, from 2019 leading up to the end of 2021. By doing so, it aims to shed light on how Sri Lanka handled bilateral ties with both Asian powers as well as the degree of Sino-Indian competition visible within the island’s port infrastructure landscape. It concludes that the decisions reached with regard to port infrastructure projects represent a mixed picture. A key finding is the ability of domestic interest groups to shape Sri Lanka’s foreign policy during this period, which has significantly dented the island’s ties with other regional allies such as Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discuss the situation of Mauritius in the post-colonial geopolitical configuration of the Indian Ocean. The island nation, a former British colony that has been independent since 1968, is today confronted with geopolitical issues that place it within a dilemma. Its recent allegiance with India, through preferential trade partnership, makes claiming sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago which was part of its territory before independence complicated. There is in an ongoing conflict with Great Britain and, indirectly, the United States on this contentious issue. At the same time, Mauritius needs to consider China’s influence in the region since it partners with most of the independent nations on matters of economic development. Mauritius itself has established an important trading platform through Chinese assistance. Concurrently, the Mauritian relationship with the United States cannot be compromised as it has been the major trading partner since 1794 with an embassy established in 1968. Hence, trapped between economic ties from all the partners engaged in the Indian Ocean, Mauritius strives to maintain its neutrality, while also being obliged to accept that its location, size and influence might not be enough to contest against past and emerging superpowers. To this end, the power games remain as complex as ever in the Indian Ocean when seen from a Mauritian perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 21st century, an unprecedented theoretical change in perspective took place, and non-Western theoretical approaches began to be developed as an alternative to traditional theories of International Relations. In this way, some specialists began to debate about the emergence and consolidation of a "Chinese School of International Relations", based mostly on the Asian culture. The aim of this paper is to present the main streams of international studies in China, among which the reverse, obverse and interactive approaches stand out. Likewise, it is particularly intended to understand the conception of international cooperation of each of these approaches. In addition, it is intended to highlight the evolution of international studies in China and departs from the assumption that the production and changes of the axis of international studies follow the rise and geographical position of the great powers. In the Chinese case, they have been growing in parallel with its international prominence and the attainment of great power status. The theoretical framework proposed for this research takes as a starting point the so-called non-western theories, that is, all those theories that are not part of the mainstream of the Western International Relations Theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is a common phenomenon in Africa as citizens migrate within the continent for several reasons including education, family, employment, trade, and investment. Significant numbers of African migrants travel to the Middle East in search of economic opportunities. With the intensification of globalisation and the advancement of technology, human mobility across international borders is expected to rise in the coming decades. Despite challenges of international migration, migrants play a significant role in destination countries as they boost working-age population; contribute to revenue generation through taxes; contribute to human capital development; and enrich technological progress. Countries of origin increasingly appreciate their Diaspora communities due to remittances and migrants' skills. The growing number of African migrants calls for a strategic partnership between Africa and the Middle East through a multilateral forum that will enhance policy consultation and coordination for the benefit for both sides. The paper analyses intra-African migration, migration patterns from Africa to the Middle East and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, drivers of migrations, migrants' positive contributions and challenges; national and Africa's Regional Economic Communities (RECs) responses in protecting the migrants. Key recommendations including the strengthening of free movement policies is critical Africa in ensuring that rights of African migrants are protected within Africa; working towards improving migration data to inform policy; enhancing interregional cooperation between Africa's RECs to enhancing the potential of intra-African migration; and fast-tracking the establishment of an effective multilateral forum for Africa and the Middle East for enhancing policy consultation and coordination to guarantee their common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five new Central Asian States that emerged from the fall of the Soviet Union began a process of State capacity building and the rule of law in their territories. Even though each one has its particularities, the continuity of autocratic political systems is a common factor among them. The privileged geographical position of Central Asia as a mandatory step between Europe and Asia, and its fundamental role in the energy security of world great powers, make the region increasingly important within the political and economic dynamics of the current International System. This might be a factor of analysis that affects changes and configurations in the political arena. This paper examines the extent to which external factors influence domestic politics by drawing on the theoretical background of authoritarian regimes and democratic transition, historical liaisons after the fall of the Soviet Union, as well as external factors such as security affairs, international trade, infrastructure projects in oil and gas pipelines, and competence for scarce water resources in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the approach to the colonial question at the United Nations, and its impact on African independence and the abolition of minority regimes on that continent, from the Organization's foundation in 1945 until the adoption of the Special Committee on Decolonization in 1961. The issue we intend to address is the role of the United Nations in the transformation of the post-war world, and especially in challenging colonialism. The problem we will focus on is how that body, founded by the victorious powers of World War II, became by the 1960s, a forum for discussion, coordination and implementation of policies that promoted the elimination of colonial empires and settler regimes in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing dispute between the United States of America and China finds a main area of competition around 5G, which will enable a substantial improvement in the capacity for vehicle auto-guidance, remote operations, robotics, artificial intelligence and other dual-use applications. While 5G is still emerging, the global shaping of the network infrastructure, regulations, patents and standards involves the Global South. It is an eminently global dispute for markets, but also for national security, which has gained a central place on the foreign policy agenda of most of the countries around the globe. In this context, the objective of this text is to analyze the emergent conditions of 5G in two of the main countries of the Global South, India and Brazil, within the dispute between the US and China. Through the contextualization of this dispute and its implications in India and Brazil, we seek to extract a series of preliminary reflections for other countries of the Global South. Thus, this paper contributes to a key area understanding the emergent conditions of a new phase of the mobile telecommunications paradigm developing two main cases still unexplored systematically by the literature in Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Peru offers an empirical richness with which to understand its foreign policy pragmatism and the way the discourses by foreign policy elites are structured and reshaped, trying to prioritize actions and practical results consistently, rather than ideological postures. Despite the political instability of the eighties and nineties, and corruption scandals during the 21st century in which the highest decision makers have been involved, Torre Tagle has attempted to act consistently in accordance with its foreign policy precepts, enhancing a resultoriented approach. This paper uses six analytic variables: presidential discourses, the profile of foreign policy elites, presidential corruption, international insertion mechanisms, economic growth and international performance. The time period analyzed covers the years 1990-2015, with some references regarding events between 1985-1990 and 2015-2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is to analyze the extent to which the decolonial perspective is reflected in the teaching and the research in the area of International Relations (IR) in Brazil. The first part is conceptual and discusses the meanings of Decoloniality and its interfaces with the area of IR. Then, the empirical analysis is presented. Documents, data and studies were used to analyze Brazilian undergraduate and graduate courses in this area. We found some initial advances with the inclusion of debates on Ethnic-Racial Relations in undergraduate courses, the constitution of research groups and the existence of some (few) doctoral theses on the subject. However, several significant challenges were found for Decoloniality to assert itself as a relevant axis in Brazilian IR studies. Among them, the small insertion of these contents on the (undergraduate) curriculum, the centrality of the state-centered theories, racism and institutional resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mesoamerica emerged in regional relations thanks to different cooperation strategies between Mexico, Central America, Colombia and the Dominican Republic that have resulted in what is known today as the Mesoamerica Integration and Development Project. However, ten years after its creation, most of the studies in this regard are descriptive and use an institutional approach that does not distinguish other relevant aspects such as the inclusion of nongovernmental actors and their participation in this regional program. In order to make a first approach to these aspects within the Mesoamerica Project, this paper proposes the use of the International Political Economy theoretical approach of British origin, in the interest of identifying those analytical elements that will go beyond the traditional approach and deepen our knowledge of this program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pacific Alliance was established as a model of deep integration between Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. The question raised in this paper is which of the Latin American regionalism approaches is more proper for the theoretical characterization of the Pacific Alliance initiative. In this sense, the concepts of open regionalism and strategic regionalism are explained for the characterization of this initiative and their limits are highlighted from empirical evidence. The paper concludes that regionalism concepts which give greater emphasis to commercial dynamics are not enough to understand the current operation and performance of the Pacific Alliance. As such, a complementary analytical approach is introduced which responds to the long term global dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the most recent development of the international relations field in Latin America. It relies mainly on a biblio-metric analysis of the main Latin American journals that publish related studies, and on a qualitative analysis of leading publications from some of the region's Political Science and International Relations departments. Without claiming to be an exhaustive study of the state of the field in the region, the paper includes new and useful information to build a reflection on the field's weaknesses, strengths and pending tasks. The work concludes with a series of reflections and suggestions that seek to highlight the importance of further theoretical and -particularly- methodological discussions to strengthen the study of international politics in -and from- Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008 the People's Republic of China disseminated the White Paper to Latin American countries with a two-dimensional strategy: the promotion of particularity logic and the promotion of omnidirectionality. In addition, China-Celac Forum (ccf), created in 2014, is the most important platform for China to promote cooperation towards Latin American countries. Thus, the present study demonstrates comparatively that the ccf applies the two dimensions of the Chinese strategy under three institutional principles: flexibility, nonconditionality and multiplicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) constitutes a contribution to respecting International Law and peace among peoples. We start from the idea that given that Public International Law is an "imperfect" law due to its lack of a centralized executive power, its enforcement depends in large measure on the responsibility of member states of the international community. Then, this study considers both the legal status of the Western Sahara -a conflict where the right to self-determination and independence is clearly defined- and the circumstances surrounding the foundation of the SADR andthe responsibility of the member states of the international community to fulfil this task. That is the particular case of Colombia and the American states, which have ratified the Montevideo Convention where this responsibility is clearly shown. The actions of every State to fulfil International Law are a contribution to its legitimacy. Because of the inaction of the central bodies of the international community that do not want, or cannot, enforce this right, it is necessary to highlight fulfil International Law are a contribution to its respect and to the pacific resolution of controversies, so that the recognition of the SADR is a contribution to law and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims at detecting the presence of what is known as a global democratic device, which consists of a set of heterogeneous (normative, theoretical, ethical, political) elements that working together produce a global subject whose highest social aspiration is life in democracy. This democratic subject is conceived as condition of possibility and effect of what is defined as global liberal government. These theoretical assumptions are put in play in the analysis of the United Nations (UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) discourses that accompanied the 2011 intervention in Libya. Through them the text seeks to analyze how normative elements like the Responsibility to Protect, theoretical ones like the Democratic Peace Thesis and moral ones like the particular and persistent use of the signifier "freedom" and their relation with democracy, were put together in the construction of the democratic subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rivalry between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most significant features of the contemporary Middle East. For many years, these two countries have fought for regional power and influence. This article analyzes this relationship of competition by first, describing the historical background of the relationship between the two countries. Secondly, the paper analyzes the geopolitical factors that shape the rivalry between Saudis and Iranians, and later, the main geographic confrontation scenarios, the rival religious narratives, as well as the economic and military capacities and vulnerabilities of both countries. Finally, the article raises a hypothetical consideration of a military conflict between the two countries. The article demonstrates that -so far- the dispute over power and regional influence favors Iran's interests; however, given the nature of regional and extra-regional alliances, an escalation of the conflict to the military level would not favor the interests of Tehran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National governments are keenly aware of the need for investment in space. Canada, as a formal cooperating state in the European Space Agency (ESA), and Germany, as a leading member state of ESA, are interlinked in Europe's space endeavours. Beyond ESA, Germany and Canada additionally have a strong history of bilateral cooperation on a range of space projects. This paper discusses the novel interdependencies between clear national and now supranational space policies, using the examples of the Canada-European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). The agreement covers most aspects of the EU-Canada bilateral economic relationship and includes space. The paper focuses on international space policies, strategic bilateral co-operation, and technical accomplishments. It takes a closer look at German-Canadian collaboration in space programs and offers some reflection on the effect of both the EU and ESA's transatlantic involvement in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will present the author's views on the use of outer space, and the impact of space activities on terrestrial undertakings. The main focus of this essay will be on satellites, which have radically changed the way we communicate, and also how we perceive our planet. The influence of South American countries on space activities and space policy will be surveyed. The military use of satellites will not be considered in depth, except to provide a context for the development of satellite technology. Rather, this paper focusses on satellites - Earth observation / remote sensing and communications, on the impact they have had, and continue having in our daily lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an alternative theoretical framework in order to understand the new nature of the capitalist world-economy and its corresponding international division of labor. It studies the meaning of BRICS by examining the once-held belief that the world was divided by a center, semi-periphery and periphery; it analyses the newly established divisions of intra-South and intra-North. These countries operate under various forms of capitalism, thus creating new power relations that work collectively from a geopolitical standpoint. Despite weak economic ties, with the exception of China, leaders of the brics are attempting to promote a reform within multilateral organizations and the G-20. The objective of this paper is to shed light on such challenges to this new strategy facing these countries, particularly from the perspective of Brazil's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article will address the strategic importance of the brics' agreement for China, as well as the role China plays within the group. Firstly, it analyzes the development of the brics as a coalition of countries that, in the beginning, were united around a shared economic objective and then, over time, evolved to a point at which each member state was responding to their own strategic interest. Secondly, China is often an object of international criticism for its own development process, and this paper will address the benefit that China gains from the brics agreement. The agreement diffuses international tension, promotes cooperation among member states, and defends its development plans. Lastly, the paper argues that China should refrain from exerting a leadership role within the brics group, but rather should focus on serving as an agent for consolidation and cohesion among the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores potential and actual applications of space technology, particularly satellites in the context of sustainable development. The introduction explores the concept of sustainable development from a multilateral perspective and the framework of Rio+20 and the post-2015 development agenda. The paper then introduces space technology and its uses in economic growth, energy, food security, environmental surveillance, including coastal regions, with special emphasis on environmental disasters and the concept of resilience, and the social and welfare uses of humanitarian tele-medicine and tele-education and ways to overcome the digital divide. he conclusion gives recommendations to improve satellite capacity and an analysis of the systemic synergies between space technologies and "green industries" that may lead to tandem growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the European Union's global role as a main international actor on the basis of the components of power, the dimensions of global governance and its prospects as a regional project to manage to have a reading of their participation in the future international system. Within these future prospects, the role of the soft power of the EU will be highlighted as a civilian and normative power in global governance with new actors, interests and divergent values. This work is based on the hypothesis that the relational shift of power in international society is causing geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics conflicting with approaches to an effective multilateralism. Then the paper tries to answer or at least tries to shed some light on questions such as: Can the EU maintain its relevance as an international player in this changing world? Will it maintain relevance in their values and interests as a regional project? Should European international advocacy strategy be based simply on the field of soft power and effective multilateralism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Korea has managed to position itself globally as a fast-developing country with a strong economy, characterized as a diligent actor actively involved in global dynamics. In the last decades it has served as a "model" country under the slogan of having achieved a rapid transformation out of the ashes in order to become a donor country in a short period. Although this transformation is mainly due to the democratization process and the order imposed by the liberalization of world markets, this paper analyzes how the Asian country has faced the process of globalization, focusing mainly on the social structure. The article explores the impact that the integration of the country into the globalization process has had on the Korean society and culture, as well as the social manifestations that currently reveal scenarios of confrontation and conflict between different groups inside the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU's agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a twofold perspective: that of the institutional nature of EU and Mercosur and that of the democratic deficit in the overall negotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After twenty-five years of the end of the Cold War, the impact of the rise of China in the international system can be analyzed from material and ideational elements of power. This article seeks to identify whether China's importance is internationally overrated, or if this country can really challenge U.S. hegemony. Most of the literature on Chinese potential has overlooked its internal policy, which is a determining factor in the international system, according to the realist perspective. Using the inductive method, this paper will attempt to establish the causal relation between domestic and international politics. This will highlight China's need to solve border disputes with its neighbors, make a commitment to respect human rights, and solve the needs of a population that is highly dissatisfied with the present government due to inequality and corruption. These factors challenge China in its quest to achieve a new distribution of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this work is to contribute to the understanding of humanitarian aid from the European Union (EU), from the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, starting from an analysis of Council Regulation (EC) No 1257/96l, the European Consensus on humanitarian aid from the European Union (effective 2008) and article 214 TFEU of the Treaty of Lisbon. This paper addresses the EU's challenges in providing independent humanitarian aid when responding to international emergencies, while seeking to coordinate and enhance its foreign policy coherence; it also examines how the Union reconciles these conflicting objectives. In particular, it examines how EU development cooperation policy and EU aid policy, common foreign and security policy, and foreign policy interact. Finally, it is argued in the concluding remarks that although humanitarian aid has been incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty as a further policy of its external action, it must be independent, as it is based on international solidarity, and not on the principles applicable to other policies of external action, making it difficult to establish positive synergies with the other policies of the EU's external action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist approaches to regionalism underscore the role of identity and institutions in explaining the unfolding of regionalist projects. Constructivism emphasizes relationships of mutual reinforcement between collective identity and regional institutions once these institutions are created. Identity and institutions are often seen as mutually constituted and caused, but constructivist analyses of regionalism conceptualize these relationships in different manners. Through revising the ontological differentiation between relationships of constitution and causation, this paper shows that constructivism faces serious challenges in providing explanations for the unfolding of regionalism. This paper reviews a number of constructivist approaches that conceptualize in different ways the relationships of constitution and causation between collective identity and regional institutions. While some approaches suggest that regional institutions can be caused by a pre-existing collective identity, some others assert that collective identity can be caused by the creation of regional institutions, where the causes of such creation remain open to other factors. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the capability of constructivism to simultaneously provide constitutive and causal explanations for the unfolding of regionalism. The paper shows that constructivist approaches to regionalism tend to be confusing in the differentiation between constitution and causation, and the consequence is that constructivism usually falls into 'under-explanation' or 'under-specification' in meeting the end of 'explaining' why and how regionalism unfolds. In turn, the paper suggests that constructivism needs to broaden and specify more deeply the conceptualization of causal relationships in this case in order to provide better explanations for the ways in which regionalism develops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Central Bank (ECB) has received a lot of criticism for its too little, too late performance to ease market pressures during the economic crisis. At the same time, the ECB and the Federal Reserve (Fed) have managed the new economic realities that have emerged in the international context differently. Despite the criticisms, the European Central Bank is the European Union institution that has assumed more control due to the new model of economic governance of the EU. Why did the Federal Reserve act so nimbly and quickly to calm the markets, while the ECB was so cautious in managing monetary policy? The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of the management of interest rates and other monetary policy measures undertaken by the Central Bank and the Federal Reserve during the economic crisis, as well as to understand the changes in the context of the ECB and the emergence of its authority within the European Union's economic governance model since 2011. Thus, in order to carry out a scrupulous exposition, we will also limit the time frame of this study to the 2007-2014 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, various Latin American governments have attempted to render migrants as agents of development, mainly by channeling remittances to specific sectors such as housing and finance. The existing literature has yet to articulate how these new developments are reconfiguring the political economy of housing in the region. Drawing on empirical data collected at both ends of the Colombia-uk migration network, this paper argues that these efforts aim to institutionalise remittance flows and their associated transnational socio-economic activities. They are underpinned by the repositioning of housing from a consumption to an investment item, and as a driver of economic growth; as well the positioning of the financial sector as the main means for households to access public and private housing, and other basic services. These developments have taken place in the context of a broader process of financialisa-tion of the global poverty agenda in the last three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women population migrations are very significant in the broader international migration phenomenon, not only because of the number of people involved, but also because they have their own particular characteristics which distinguish them from male migrations. Gender perspective, being applied to migration studies, has been very useful in demonstrating that migration is a gendered phenomenon and it has added depth to the specific understanding of female migration. This article focuses on Colombian flows to Italy, a scarcely studied phenomenon with interesting particularities, such as: its strong heterogeneity, the high female presence, and the variety of itineraries female have. Framed within the gender perspective, this paper aims to observe the differences between men's and women's migration experiences, in order to define some of the gender inequalities and their intersection with other inequalities that arise from certain social categories involved during the migration. It focuses on the family, an important place of analysis since within it gender relations are expressed with great determination and at the same time it changes with migration, contributing to modify women's social and family status. Changes in gender relations do not point only in one direction in such flows, as women have different trajectories showing that they are often active, independent and autonomous actors, able to articulate advantages and disadvantages present during the migration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand the dynamics of the political transnationalism of Colombian migrants in New York City and the northern area of New Jersey during the 1990-2010 period from the processes of contempt and moral suffering (social stigmatization), the implications of these processes in the migrants' identity/autonomy (as generators of identity wounds) and their search for social recognition. The paper begins with a characterization of the Colombian migration to that setting. Then it shows the experiences of moral contempt faced by Colombian migrants in the contexts of origin and arrival. In the context of origin such experiences were linked to social and political polarization, violence, inequality and strong barriers to upward mobility, while in the context of arrival these experiences were related to the stigma of drug trafficking, the dynamics of cultural racism, discrimination because of low English proficiency, and the absence of a legal immigration status. Finally, the article discusses the participation and mobilization (mainly at informal and collective levels) of Colombian migrants in relation to the search for social recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asymmetry in warfare is not a new phenomenon. Historically, it has been observed that on various occasions there has been a marked difference in the relative military power and strategy of the warring states. However, in the post 9/11 era, it has been observed that the character and nature of war itself is changing particularly amid the wars between state and non-state actors. The usage of unconventional tools and tactics, be it guerrilla warfare or terrorism or irregular warfare or any other forms are becoming more synonymous with non-state entities. All this is leading to a composition of warfare in which a non-state actor is using asymmetric methods to target the state's vulnerabilities to achieve disproportionate effect. This paper debates the notion of Asymmetric Warfare, the characters of actors involved and the nature of the state's response in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The technological benefits of space hardware are universally recognized. One is hard pressed to find an area of the world where satellite dishes for television reception, satellite use for data transmission, or the Global Positioning System (GPS) for multiple purposes are not utilized. But utilization of commercial or of other countries' space assets does not equate to being a space-faring nation. Space-faring nations have, to varying degrees, their own capabilities. The importance of status as a space-faring nation comes from two sources: not having to rely on others for access to the benefits of space assets, and prestige that can translate into geopolitical influence. Beyond users and space-faring nations, there are those countries actively asserting space leadership in some form, whether regional or global. What pushes countries to go beyond being a space-faring nation and assert leadership potential, including potentially engaging in an implicit or explicit space race, is techno-nationalism, which for the purposes of this paper refers to nationalism that becomes the impetus for technology development as an indicator of geostrategic power. It is often triggered by a threat or perception of a threat, including a threat to perceived leadership. Techno-nationalism carries with it an inherent quest for leadership, by some definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began to disintegrate in 1991. Such a milestone in Europe resulted in the reconfiguration of borders and internal struggles. Where there had previously only been one independent state, six new ones were established. As a result, ethnic conflict emerged which brought forth questions regarding national movements. The objective of this paper is to question the adequacy of the constructivist approach in addressing this concern. An essential component to understanding the argument raised involves analyzing the political actors and, most importantly, the elite among them, who play a central role in their national identities. With this in mind, each case will be analyzed from a historical-comparative approach and aim to establish any similarities present among them. Rather than focusing on the inevitability of Yugoslavia's' break up, issues relating to circumstantial and identity formation will be discussed for each republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the changes occurred since the VI EU-LAC Summit, in Madrid in May 2010, on the relationship between the European Union and Latin America. A change continued with the Celac-EU Summit, held in January 2013, which presents evidence of bi-regional strategy and the full import of the most significant commitments to build that relationship: regional integration and social cohesion. Latin America and the European Union should strengthen their bond and extrapolate on other institutions and settings of the current post-Cold War geopolitical order. A scenario where they share views and concerns and whose response, in any case, must come from a joint position and shared perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the electoral crisis of 2010-2011, this paper presents, in a synthetic fashion, a political genealogy of this situation and the consequences that the end of this armed conflict is going to have on the Ivoirian state and international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 international economic crisis caused acceleration in the immigration debate in most of the traditional destination countries. While the macroeconomic collapse of the OECD countries affected first and hardest the immigrant workforce, it didn't translate into a more favorable treatment for it. On the contrary, anti-immigration discourses flourished and gained a growing audience and momentum, allowing for a series of new restrictive and repressive immigration laws, leading to mostly circumstantial and partial reforms. This paper analyzes the enthusiasm created by the idea that international migrants could soon return home, initiating a reverse migration: fleeing the poor conditions and opportunities of their reception countries. Despite the enthusiasm return migration is a theoretical scenario. So far there is no evidence of a massive and spontaneous return migration, in spite of the incentives that were offered by destination countries governments. Meanwhile, deportations, another form of return, coercive indeed, have consolidated as a full right migration policy, and a costly one. More restrictive and repressive migration policies in destination countries make the case for a prompt global immigration policy overhaul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the European Union's global role as a main international actor on the basis of the components of power, the dimensions of global governance and its prospects as a regional project to manage to have a reading of their participation in the future international system. Within these future prospects, the role of the soft power of the EU will be highlighted as a civilian and normative power in global governance with new actors, interests and divergent values. his work is based on the hypothesis that the relational shift of power in international society is causing geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics conflicting with approaches to an effective multilateralism. hen the paper tries to answer or at least tries to shed some light on questions such as: Can the EU maintain its relevance as an international player in this changing world? Will it maintain relevance in their values and interests as a regional project? Should European international advocacy strategy be based simply on the field of soft power and effective multilateralism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores potential and actual applications of space technology, particularly satellites in the context of sustainable development. The introduction explores the concept of sustainable development from a multilateral perspective and the framework of Rio+20 and the post-2015 development agenda. he paper then introduces space technology and its uses in economic growth, energy, food security, environmental surveillance, including coastal regions, with special emphasis on environmental disasters and the concept of resilience, and the social and welfare uses of humanitarian tele-medicine and tele-education and ways to overcome the digital divide. The conclusion gives recommendations to improve satellite capacity and an analysis of the systemic synergies between space technologies and "green industries" that may lead to tandem growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the changes occurred since the vi EU-LAC Summit, in Madrid in May 2010, on the relationship between the European Union and Latin America. A change continued with the CELAC-UE Summit, held in January 2013, which presents evidence of bi-regional strategy and the full import of the most significant commitments to build that relationship: regional integration and social cohesion. Latin America and the European Union should strengthen their bond and extrapolate on other institutions and settings of the current post-Cold War geopolitical order. A scenario where they share views and concerns and whose response, in any case, must come from a joint position and shared perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]