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This paper has as a starting point in an empirical classification, both oppositional and humorous, of the ideological life, which appeared in the mid-twentieth century in a small town that was a favored summer resort of the old Argentine “criollo” elites. The “Kremlin” and the “Vatican” are the terms of the classification applied to two stately houses and clans in Villa General Mitre (now, Villa del Totoral), which this paper attempts to resituate as regards political categories (amongst them, left/ right ), political practices, and society. The conjecture is that this elaboration can be read in terms of an ideological comedy within the elites; whose terms direct, but also distort, displace, erase…, precisely because the comedy, as well as the enclave, accomplishes a relevant function in the reproduction of the group.

The article explores the formation of academic field of labor law in one of the three Argentine universities where the crystallization of specific areas related to its research and technical implementation took place: Universidad Nacional del Litoral. First, the paper reviews the dynamics that influence the beginnings and formation of this legal knowledge. Second, it focuses on the trajectory of one of the pioneers in labour law in Argentina, Mariano Tissembaum, and the Labour Law Institute he founded in 1938. Through its publications, networks and the debates in which is inserted, during the decades of 1930 and 1940, the paper presents some preliminary progress that account not only the dynamics of formation of an academic field but also of a social consensus and the conditions of possibility that converted it in a technical knowledge summoned from the State.

Scholar historiography has studied many aspects of Argentina and Uruguay political life in the fifties and sixties. However, it still remains under-examined the heterogeneous interests, alliances and conflicts within the wide rightist universe in those years. Argentina and Uruguay right-wing actors such as Liga Federal Ruralista (middle-class representants), neo-fascist bands and Anti-communist organizations were included in social and political transnational networks during the Cold War Era. In this paper are reconstructed some of those social and institutional links between Rio de la Plata’s Anti-communist organizations and with other inter-American and global networks, that allowed an intense circulation of ideas and persons. Particular attention is paid to the connections built by two main anti-communist actors: a “nationalist” current, identified by their authoritarian, catholic and Neo-fascist ideas, and violence-prone political style; and a “democratic” tendency, closer to US’ government point of view, pro-businessmen and allegedly committed with peaceful and formal political activities. The paper is based in different sources: commercial press, Anti-communist press and propaganda, Intelligence services reports and diplomatic information sent from Buenos Aires and Montevideo.

This paper aims to address the political and intellectual trajectory of the Argentine sociologist Juan Carlos Portantiero, trying to place the focus of interest in the multiple interactions between theory and politics that is expressed in the activity covered by the course of his intellectual life. From Portantiero´s participation in the cultural front of the Argentine Communist Party in the fifties, through the political-cultural enterprise of Past and Present magazine during the best years of the Cuban Revolution, along with his exile experience in Mexico, and culminating in its inclusion in the process of democratic transition in Argentina in the eighties and its crisis in the nineties, the porpouse of this paper is to analyze the specific form through which, in each of these periods, Portantiero developed the political nature that was characteristic of his intellectual vocation throughout his entire career.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political language and political traditions; more specifically, we are interested in the relationship between kirchnerist´s speeches and the republican tradition. Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez’s speeches have long been associated with the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Our starting point seeks to explain links, bonds and contradictions between these governments and republican concepts. Thus, it appears to be of fundamental importance to know the republican concepts that former presidents take up, and understand how to put in dialogue these interpretations with meaning constructions used by former political leaders. In other words, we are interested in developing the relationship between concepts, history and politics.Based on the proposal of the conceptual history of Reinhart Koselleck, we will seek to know the interpretations that were made of republican concepts in national history, to show the speeches’ bonds between political projects of a very different nature. We are not only interested to learn about the relationship between Kirchnerism and republicanism, but also know the implied bonds that this political force stands by with previous political projects.

The academic literature has demonstrated the early impact the Cuban Revolution had upon Latin America. In Argentina, it is the growing literature devoted to the intellectuals which has been wondering the most about this influx. The pioneering work of Oscar Teran and Silvia Sigal has shown this significant influence on an important intellectual group which was under a process of transformation in the 1960s. In this paper, I will analyze the ideological impact this revolution had on the student movement which, due to the process of left radicalization that it was going through, would begin to increase its effect on the national political scene. To avoid falling into facile generalizations, this paper will focus on the situation at the University of Buenos Aires, the largest university in the country. In particular, I am interested in showing what groups this event affected the most and the different ways in which its influence was perceived. This is necessary in order to refrain from the common and equivocal expression that presupposes the impact of the Cuban process oriented all the youth towards left positions, thus sidestepping the opposite effect.

This presentation aims to analyze how revolutionary Peronism of the sixties and seventies contests the argentinean "official history" and proposes a new interpretation of the national past. By studying their conception of history, this paper focuses on how image is employed in order to diffuse a new interpretation of reality. The hypothesis is that historical milestones are used as sensitive arguments to discuss the present and to legitimize a political alternative project. The promotion of the new version of history is based on provoking feelings through visual material and exalting other history protagonists. By evoking some graphic and film examples, this paper demonstrates how image is supposed to raise public awareness and as arguments for politics.

In this paper we explore representations of epidemics in Argentina in illustrated periodicals, from the cholera outbreak of 1867 to the “Spanish flu” of 1918-9. The route through half a century allows us to observe changes and continuities in relation to the imaginations developed by the communities to face this type of traumatic episodes, expressed in different printed publications in Buenos Aires such as El mosquito, El inválido argentino, Revista del Río de La Plata, Caras y Caretas, Fray Mocho, El Hogar and La vida moderna. The empirical approach is based on conceiving the press as fundamental actors in the construction of an agenda in public opinion, being protagonists of reality more than mere exhibitors. Hence, we consider that the selected publications offer us clues to dimension their resonances in the local scene, in times when the medical scientific paradigm was going through instances of redefinitions, in the passage from the miasmatic theory to microbiotics.

This paper studies the Peruvian position during the war of Paraguay in a period of wars in the Americas. That conflict occurred while Chile, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador were fighting a Spanish fleet. This fact generated an American-Republican discourse in Peru. At first, Peru, Chile and, to a lesser extent, Bolivia, coordinated their actions aiming to find a negotiated solution to the conflict. Such position was favorable to Paraguay. Later on, the Peruvian position begins to change with the coming of a new President, with a different position regarding his predecessor. This paper ends highlighting the relationships between domestic and foreign policy, and the dynamics of Chile, Peru and Bolivia in relation to Argentina and Brazil.

The paper analyze the film The traitors (1973), the most important political film of the argentinian filmaker Raymundo Gleyzer and the Cine de la Base group, about a peronist trade unionist corrupted by his rise to power. In the first place, we study the narrative strategies of the film in relationship to the Raymond Williams reflections on cinema and socialism, and his notion of structure of feeling. In the second place, our analysis deals with the ways The traitors represent the world of labor and the workers' actions and demonstrations (factory occupations and street fighting) in relationship to some visual topics from cinema and tv. Finally, the paper propose a new interpretation about the political discourse about the working class alternative proposed by the film.

Most praiseworthy hypotheses which try to explain the relations between Catholicism and Peronism, specially the reasons of their violent rupture in 1955, have pointed out Peron’s incapacity to understand the logic ruling the Church. Constant unsuccessful demands for explicit support to his government, among other reasons, would have put Catholics in “the others” side in the friend-enemy duality of the early Peronism discourse. The aim of this paper is to analyse the changes that took place in the catholic field during the ten-year peronist government, taking intellectuals as subjects in the complex catholic culture. This paper is based on the hypothesis that these changes were part of the process of secularization which hindered the hierarchy from wielding their full authority in 1955, and from stopping the conflict. The areas in which these changes occurred were varied: from the debates on the ideal relation between Church and State to the debates on the aesthetic the new generation of “catholic” writers -such as Graham Greene, Evelyn Waugh and Julian Green- offered. This paper intends to demonstrate that these changes were related to a new ecclesiology, which would need to include the catholic public opinion, and to a more humanist anthropology, as in the European personalism thought.

This paper characterizes the heterogeneity of business chambers in the Argentine fishing industry. This activity is important not only because of the foreign currency it generates, but also because of the labor market associated with it. However, at present, little information is available on the business sector of this important economic activity. Moreover, current social science research on the Argentine fishing industry mainly deals with the role of employees, their trade associations, unions and labor conflicts. Methodologically, we worked with secondary sources and interviews with representatives of the business chambers to characterize the sector and to know how they are grouped and organized. In this way, the history and genesis of the different economic agents of the fishing activity at present is approached.

Cultural and academic links in social sciences between France and Argentina have been bulky and productive since very early time. First sociology chairs showed a relevant knowledge on French sociological production. The emerging institutionalization of sociology in both countries led to a set of dialogues, including interchanges and appropriations of Émile Durkheim´s ideas. This paper studies those dialogues between the first professors of sociology in Argentina and the old father of French sociology, offering some reflections upon the history of sociological theory and the chance of developing comparative research.

From its origins, although with strong debates, the official will of the Socialist Party (PS) was to split the political level of the union. This autonomy, embodied in the 'Declaration of Avellaneda' of the Fourteenth Ordinary Congress in 1918, was part of a broader conception of the need to build a reformist party option, which sought integration into the social and political system and subordinated the conflict between capital and work to other more global elements, among other characteristics. This paper aims to review the PS's behavior in the trade union movement since the election of José Domenech as general secretary of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), in June 1937. The intention of the article is to observe the trade union policy of the PS, the tensions surrounding this experience and the dynamics with a CGT increasingly powerful and led by socialists sympathizers albeit with a communist presence.In this tour we will analyze the opinion of the guild cadres, the supporters and the relationship with the communists. We will do this by analyzing internal sources of the PS, for example from its newspaper La Vanguardia, and trade publications of various kinds.

The aim of this paper is to explore the paradigm shift that Mennonite enterprises worldwide went through in the mid-twentieth century and how this affected the missions in Argentina. To carry this out, we will explore the ways in which the Mennonite missions were originally conceived and how they changed after the Second World War. This new paradigm was called “indigenization”. One of the central issues that we will analyze will be the profound influence of anthropology in the construction of this new paradigm for Mennonite missions. We will contextualize this influence within the framework of the "anthropological turn" that Christian missions worldwide experienced in the second half of the twentieth century. A central note of this new type of ventures will be the growing awareness of the relevance of contextualization and the understanding of local cultures for the process of evangelization.Another central aspect of our work is the analysis, through various archival sources such as personal diaries, letters, publications and administrative reports, of the tensions and conflicts that arose among the missionaries from this change in the way of conceiving missionary action.

This paper analyzes social intervention from State in housing policies during “Argentine Revolution”. We focus on policies to popular sectors that were promoted by Secretary of Housing, which depended on Social Welfare Ministry, as well as technical and business actors who benefited from social housing. Our object of interest is the main diagnoses and partial solutions aimed to solve housing shortage from Buenos Aires´s metropolitan area.

The city of Rosario is located in the center of one of the most important port complexes from the Southern Cone -on the Paraná River- and one of the regions with greater export capacity cereals. The ability of interaction and organization of their economic, social and cultural networks would have compensated, in part, the political dependence that subjected Rosario to the other two port cities competing with it for the same area of influence: Buenos Aires (capital of the country) and Santa Fe (capital of the province that integrates Rosario). This paper analyzes the influence of the Port City of Rosario in the formulation of policies of state modernization and regional development, with special reference to the position of the elite against the political and economic changes that occurred since wars and global economic crisis and the attachment to a historical political speech of "having to be a Port City".

French structuralism embodies an important theoretical code in the Argentinean ’60s and early ‘70s. Although it mainly circulated outside university, in this paper we intend to explore an early attempt at academic reception operated by Eliseo Verón through the pages of the review he published, Cuestiones de Filosofía, and also in the important courses he gave, for example Sociología Sistemática. We will ty to depict this attempt as an answer to the peculiar context of discussions regarding to the practice of social sciences in Argentina, particularly in the Department of Sociology.

This article will discuss, based on the study of the magazine Verbo of Argentina during the years of the dictatorship (1976-1983), ideas that Catholics from right about the universities and centers of research of Argentina in particular, and Latin America had in general. Verbo was the organ of diffusion of the organization called Ciudad Católica which had origins in France and international ramifications. More precisely, in this paper we show how these Catholics who wrote in Verbo – clerics, Argentines and foreigners, attempted to “collaborate” with “anti-subversive fight” that was going on, denouncing, on the one hand, the “advancement” of “communism” among scientists and universities in Argentina and “Latin America”; and on the other hand, the “penetration Marxist” within the Catholic universities.

The “Cordobazo” (1969) inaugurated a time of great popular mobilization to confront the dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía. Since then, thousands of young middle class joined the Peronism and guerrilla organizations. The Argentine Armed Forces weren´t outside of this process, and many junior officers, from different variants of nationalist thought, also linked the Peronism. This paper intends to reconstruct, based on oral sources, the career of many lieutenants and captains of the Argentine Army that linked with Peronist Movement (often clandestinely) during the last phase of the so-called “Argentine Revolution” (1966-1973).

The main purpose of this paper is to develop a comparative study of the trips that the illusionist Onofroff made to the capital cities of Argentina and Mexico, in 1895 and 1900 respectively. During his successful trips through America, the illusionist stayed a long period of time in those two cities, and his presence caused different reactions from many participants of the cultural life. Physicians, spiritualists, writers and politicians coming from both contexts, felt attracted by the artist's shows of telepathy and hypnotism. In this article we try to show that the study of Onofroff's performances goes beyond the scope of the fin-de-siècle history of theater. By contrast, the analysis of his disturbing presence can work as a prism that perfectly reflects many areas of the cultural, scientific and ideological life of those cities. Through the description of several angles of the scientific cultures of the two cities, an explanation of the different responses aroused by Onofroff's shows will be outlined.

The production of documentary films on politics was significant during the Alfonsín Government. At that time films that dealt with past political events cast a view of ample scope in order to cover deeds quite distant in time with the aim of reaching a conciliatory discourse vis á vis party lines. Their impact allows for the conclusion of a relatively important influence on the electorate at the time of the ballot. In this respect, Permission to think, the first and only film work of Eduardo Meilij, law practitioner, is an exception both with regard to its style and ideological conception: it radically departs from most of the production at that time. The film focuses on the years of the First Peronist government concentrating on the figures and characters of both Juan Domingo and Eva Perón from a pressumed “objective” point of view based on official propaganda documents of the times. Nevertheless, from the start it is clear that the film projects a critical and absolutely negative view about its central characters. This paper aims at discussing and answering this seeming paradox in detail.

Despite being one of the main female occupations, domestic service represents, in Argentina, one of the most neglected, both in terms of working conditions and its regulatory framework. Domestic workers are one of the last categories that are incorporated in the institutions of social protection and labor law, through the Estatuto del Servicio Doméstico, enacted in 1956. There are, however, some previous regulations related to this occupation. The most important antecedent consists of a project presented by a legislator of the Peronist party, in September 1955. In this paper, we analyze the process of incorporation of paid domestic work within the labor law through the comparison of these two initiatives. The aim is to study some of the tensions originated by this regulation, which are crossed by more global issues concerning women's work, traditional female roles and gender and class relations.

This article intends to show the influence of the North American territorial model, which was defined by the end of the eighteenth century, exercised in the organization of the argentine territory during the second half of the nineteenth century. This study starts by the configuration of a regular territorial grid that applied over public land in both study cases. In Argentina converge transplanted legal frameworks, colonial heritage and experiments driven by the ideas of the Bourbon Enlightenment during the early nineteenth century. Through an iconographic perspective this paper will try to show that it is possible to deepen the analysis of the legal regulation of public land - partly inherited and partly readapted of imported models- and establish the degree of influence in the definition of a particular territorial shape.

One of the main purposes of the Mercosur during the 90’s was to strengthen the recent democratic regimes of the region. Even though the governments concluding the Mercosur’s agreement moderated their political speech, preaching for an economic integration based on commercial liberalization, they continued valorising the democratic consolidation and the enhancing of democratic values as a central axis of their integration. For this reason, it is not surprising to observe in the region’s film production, and particularly among the one of the countries of the Mercosur, the impact of the traces relating to the experience of dictatorships. This paper analyzes a set of co-produced films involving two or more countries from Mercosur, following the hypothesis that the co-production conditions between countries sharing similar historical and political paths implies certain differential potentialities and limits, regarding the expression of memory in aesthetic discourses.

The purpose of our paper will be to compare and contrast two Argentine laws raised in the year 1902, the law of residence N° 4414 and the electoral reform law N° 4161, both nominated by the Minister of Interior Joaquin V. Gonzalez. While they were initially presented as two totally opposite laws, reviewing deeply parliamentary debates can be traced a logic that presents these two projects involved in a whole, working towards a common goal, correspondent and not contradictory. Thus, our work aims to contribute to the current debate on the Argentine liberal reformism, on the assumption that the series of reforms driven by the early 20th century were completely consistent with each other, although at first glance may they seem contradictory for the dual movement of inclusion/exclusion that they proposed.

This paper presents an analysis of the historical soap operas Más allá del horizonte (1994) and Padre Coraje (2004) and its intertextual relationship with the historical film Camila (Maria Luisa Bemberg, 1984). The research argues that the intertextual relationship established between the texts can be considered as a tool to re-build segments of historical memory. Thus, these texts, issued from popular culture, do not only re-write the chapters of Argentina's history. They also re-consider issues related to the collective memory of the local audience.

This paper analyzes the role of “indios amigos” (i.e. “Indian friends”) settled in the South Buenos Aires frontier in the dynamics of the factions that constituted the argentine national politics during the “national organization” period. We intend to reconstruct the development of the so-called “Revolución Mitrista” in 1874 and the involvement of the cacique Cipriano Catriel indians in Azul, at the frontier south from Buenos Aires. Considering this event we stress the understanding of the logics that inferred the dynamics of the power relations and the construction of political power Buenos Aires frontier during the previous decades before the expansion of national state on the Indian lands in Pampa and Patagonia. At the same time, the goal is to identify the transformations and contradictions experienced by the Indian groups which were settled in the frontiers and who where formally subordinated to the national state. In this sense, we try to illuminate the peculiar characteristics of those local scenarios, seen from a view that goes beyond the ethnic and frontier conflicts, and intends to integrate the complex of social relations that linked those spaces and their actors with both the autonomous Indians populations and central government.

For over two centuries, the mule in Jujuy and Salta was a relevant and specialized activity, involving different sectors of society, from business elites to the grassroots, farmers and Indigenous and which were the hallmark of a work carried out at regional level tending to generate surpluses. These same characteristics are what allow us to use it as an object of study to understand, beyond the activity itself, the multiple relationships that are woven between the various sectors of society. This paper describes the characteristics of the mule colonial and early republic in an area of northwestern Argentina, continuity and transformations over two centuries.

This paper studies the role played by the Papacy in the Argentinean catholic church building process. It focuses on the negotiations carried out by the Argentinean diplomatic missions set up in Rome, assessing the relation between the aims of those missions and the ecclesiastical project of the Argentinean government. The objective of this article is to prove that Roman authority was unavoidable from that time on, even though those missions did not reach a formal agreement.

This paper reviews sermons delivered by the Church in Córdoba in the first half of XIX century, based on three of their characteristics: as information channels, through the explanation of the social, political and celestial world; as an ecclesiastical and political tool, and, finally, as the symbol of the changes developing outside of local jurisdictions. Here, I selected twelve sermons that were produced by Córdoba’s clergy during the times of Federalism, between 1815 and 1852, their fundamentals constituting the moral base of the political system.

In the same way that Buenos Aires developed looking to Europe ; Rosario emulated the Argentinean capital city, as the periphery of the periphery. Rosario’s magazine Semana Gráfica reflects different social discourses tensioned by new ideas. This paper tries to explore an imaginary in reconstruction, especially in which concerns women. The articles and photos published in this magazine are analysed in order to think about this bourgeois imaginary now in question.

This paper studies trachoma, an ocular pathology that may cause blindness, in the context of the migratory politics developed in the Argentinean Republic. The detection of the granular conjunctivitis was a reason for rejection from the 1908 until the mid-1940s, despite its decrease started one decade before. The disease was also presented as an argument to prevent the entrance of groups of Russian, Polish (Jewish) and Syrian-Lebanese, amongst others. Our aim is to examine the practice used by the agencies that established that system of exclusion, such as the National Department of Migrations and the National Department of Hygiene, based on a regulation which was related to processes of discrimination and xenophobia. Additionally, this article will analyze the strategies elaborated by individuals in order to resist violence, in a country in which the advertised modernity called for the massive entrance of immigrant population.

The relationship Peronism established with the organizations of civil society is a historical aspect partially unexplored so far. This paper aims at addressing the relationship established between the neighbors' associations in Bahía Blanca and the Peronist government, especially when it began a gradual process of “peronisation” of civil society associations which affected the dynamics of neighbors' associations. In the case of Bahía Blanca, this process was also influenced by the creation of the unidades básicas (Peronist Party committees) which competed from an early stage with the neighbors' associations to represent the interests and concerns of neighbors.

In the history of the historiography of Argentine provinces, the period from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is of particular importance, since visions and representations of local past began to form and articulate in those years, and provided original interpretations with regard to the speeches provided what became known as the national history, built from the capital city of Buenos Aires.This paper explores the process of writing the provincial memory, in relationship with the big national narratives, through two historical-cultural journals engendered within the intellectual sociability of Santa Fe, Argentina’s province with the most spectacular demographic and economic growth at that time.

This paper focuses on the origin of the Brazilian historiography about the War of Paraguay. It is divided into three historical moments, beginning with the instauration of national-patriotic historiography, written especially by Brazilian officers who had taken part in the conflict, and continuing with the liberal-patriotic historiography regarding that war in Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil, with a particular attention to J.J Chiavenatto’s work. Finally, in the context of the neo-liberalism movement of the 1980's, it looks into the process of restoration of Brazilian national-patriotic interpretations, based mostly on a critique of Chiavenatto's chronology.

This paper aims to understand the photographs produced by Augusto Malta (1864-1957) and Harry Grant Olds (1869-1943) during the urban renewal of Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, respectively, during the first three decades of the twentieth century. It is observed that the subjects portrayed by the two photographers are related to the ideas of back-wardness, modernization, progress and exoticism, characteristic of Latin American cities in the process of metropolianization. Their photographs show both barbarism (slums, conventillos and landfills), as the images of civilization (boulevards, parks and theatres). Thus, we analyze how their photographs participated in the process of eliminating the old and building the new, while both recorded what stood on what is destroyed in the urban scene, building a great album of images intended to document the history of those cities.

This article aims to analyse the political usage of image in an Argentinean magazine published between 1966 and 1971. Cristianismo y Revolución reflects social and political tensions during the “Argentinean Revolution”, especially in Catholicism. Although a significant analysis of this journal has already been done, this paper deals with a group of questions related to its visual dimension. After exploring its eclectic symbolic universe, some hypothesis about the usage of image in the process of political communication are outlined. Three outstanding aspects are examined in the body of this article in order to think theoretically the relations between aesthetics and politics, as a result of a further interest in the social imaginary of the peronist left.

We approach the study of a social conflict of enormous analytical potential to review the process of social construction and environmental policy in the local, national and international political arenas. In Argentina, a group of territorial and environmental organizations has gained growing protagonism in the national scene due to their opposition to the installation of the pulp mills in Uruguayan territory, on the border of the Uruguay River. The text gives a chronology organised around the evolution of the contentious movement of Gualeguaychú, revealing the way in which the cycle of the protest has been changing of scale. The aim of this paper is to analyse the onset and evolution of the conflict, from an analytical framework approaching both the social construction of the problem and the positioning of the actors in the contentious field of dispute. We suggest a dual mode of analysis. To begin with, we explore the dynamics of the collective action and the development of “contentious repertoires”, linked to the changes in the structure of the political opportunities that facilitated the onset of the movement of protest. In the second place, we analyse the processes of framing or framework that contribute to the “symbolic efficiency” of the collective actions.

In this paper we make a preliminary analysis of the existent relationships between the scientific and the legal representations of infantile and juvenile delinquency and those who embodied in the argentinian press in the decade of 1910, trough the study of some speeches about the crimes of the serial killer Cayetano Santos Godino, well known as “el Petiso Orejudo”. We want to demonstrate that in this period several images of infantile delinquency and of violence exerced by children or against children have coexisted in a conflicting way, and we attempt to establish that the positivist criminological speech wasn’t at the moment the only voice authorized to treat these issues.