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The two handsome volumes that comprise the I Encyclopedia of Romantic Nationalism in Europe i (ERNiE) are the immediate result of a Spinoza Premium research grant made by the Dutch Research Council to the historian and comparative literary scholar Joep Leersen in 2008. There are many good books on individual nations and nationalisms but very few on the vital international links between them.[1] ERNiE therefore offers numerous leads for scholars to take on this task. Volume 2 is devoted to what Leerssen describes as ERNiE's "core", its thematic section comprised of entries on each individual "cultural community". [Extracted from the article]

Individual chapters examine Switzerland, former Yugoslavia, Egypt, Tanzania, Singapore, New Zealand, Brazil and the United States. In recent years, the rapid rise of populism and right-wing nationalism globally has threatened civic and inclusive forms of nationalism. Against this backdrop, this collection edited by Jasper M. Trautsch and contributed by nationalism experts from diverse disciplines is timely and provides fruitful comparisons of historical practices of civic or quasi-civic nationalism in eight present-day or past states worldwide. [Extracted from the article]

In his latest book Christian Karner, professor of sociology at the University of Lincoln, takes a look at nationalism in Austria from the late eighteenth century to the present. For historians of nationalism, Austria is a very interesting case because of the transformation that started in the interwar period and was intensified after World War II, as most citizens of the re-established Republic of Austria stopped identifying as Germans and started identifying as Austrians. [Extracted from the article]

Breuilly's "Modernism and writing the history of nationalism" is a concise and insightful review of the development of modernism as a theoretical approach to nations and nationalism. Again, what appears to be investigated is not the history of nationalism I per se i but the historicity of nationalism and to what extent it is regarded as significant in the study of nationalism. This seems to suggest that since both history writing in general and nationalism are modern, an examination of the development of the modernist paradigm naturally constitutes an investigation of the history of nationalism. [Extracted from the article]

The I fil rouge i followed by the authors throughout the book is the difficult relation between the elites, the Yugoslav (never solved) "national question", and nationalism. The volume combines historical and archival sources with the most relevant academic production in the field of nationalism studies, and it investigates rise and fall of Tito's Yugoslavia focusing on the relationship between nationalism and the elites. On the other hand, however, the book's large scope and methodological richness at times complicate the exploration, making some chapters - such as Chapter 7, "very dense" especially for the readers unfamiliar with the topics and case study selected. [Extracted from the article]

I Debating Nationalism i provides a succinct and readable overview of recent developments within the field of nationalism studies. Chapters 2 until 5 provide a brief historical overview, while exploring respectively the origins of nationalism, the spread of nationalism in Europe, decolonization and the nation-building process. [Extracted from the article]

The relationships between religion and nationalism until recently have been neglected in Western scholarship because of the secularist biases of the academy. A fundamental issue is whether we should see nationalism as a form of "surrogate religion" in modernity and what this means if nationalism coalesces with existing religious traditions and institutions. As the editors recognise in their conclusion, the contributors operate with different conceptions of religion and (cultural) nationalism, with the result the book produces more questions than answers. [Extracted from the article]

Nearly three decades ago, Liah Greenfeld published an impressive history of nationalism, of which this trim volume is a fit summary. Greenfeld locates nationalism in the ideal of the I equality i of the people, and places it in the fifteenth century, well before the Enlightenment or even the Reformation. A more adequate theory of nationalism would be both more materialist and less secularist, more sharply postcolonial and less eager to excise Christianity's positive influence on notions of equality and freedom. [Extracted from the article]

In I Moments of Crisis, i Ian A. Morrison argues that it is through the conflicts or crises in the history of national identity in Québec that the nation is reproduced, articulated and protected. Morrison discusses that constructivists, who believe that the nation is historically constructive, entailing continuous reproduction, subjective, and fragile, are not successful in providing "the deeply affective and, consequently, enduring nature of national identity" (24). As such, Morrison reveals how the relationship between religion, secular, and history presented a specific national identity in Québec. [Extracted from the article]

Nationalism studies literature typically attributes changes in national identities to either domestic or international factors. Each case study explains a shift in policy changes in national identity; from Ottomanism to Turkish nationalism, from Turkish nationalism to multiculturalism. [Extracted from the article]

Beheading the Saint: Nationalism, Religion, and Secularism in Québec This award-winning book offers an extremely relevant and original approach to understanding the historical development of Québec nationalism. Through a very well-researched and pertinently detailed examination of the changing meaning and representation of the Saint, Zubrzycki sheds new lights on the distinct development of Québec nationalism during the Quiet Revolution. [Extracted from the article]

Hazony does not say that liberal and fascist imperialism are one and the same thing. Amongst other things, Hazony opines that whilst the principle of national determination is paramount, there is no universal right to independence and that states have the right to redraw their boundaries when they see fit. Perhaps the only interesting feature of this book is that for all Hazony's attempts to affirm an unabashed nationalism, unblemished by a conspiratorial liberalism and imperialism, it has obvious inconsistencies and silences. [Extracted from the article]