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Indian nationalism has remained, for long, an important subtext to Bollywood cinema. However, whether Bollywood cinematic output could be considered as Indian national cinema has encouraged very divisive academic discourses. When Bollywood received the status of an Industry in 1998 in keeping with the promise made in the BJP 1998 electoral manifesto (Bharatiya Janata Party, 2016, p. 232–233), it appeared that the benefits of Economic Liberalisation could finally be enjoyed by the Bombay film establishment. By focusing on Mani Ratnam’s Dil Se  …  (1998) and Kunal Kohli’s ‘Fanaa’ (2006) this paper shall explore in detail how the nascent neoliberalism affected the discourse of Indian nationalism on the Bollywood screen through binary formation, and Othering of minorities; and how such strategies were incorporated within Hindutva style of communal identity formation in the wake of the political discourses engendered by the 2001 Parliament Attack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religious veneration of Bharat Mata began with the three temples honouring her in the Hindu pilgrimage sites of Varanasi, Haridwar, and Ujjain. They symbolise the nation by anthropomorphising the territory and establish the relationship between nation-divine and its citizen-devotee through 'darshan' wherein the latter is imbued with feelings of patriotism. By studying the narratives emerging from these spaces, referred to as temple publics, it has been argued that they are reflective of majoritarian politics, where the aim is to construct a new religion called nationalism, with Bharat Mata at its helm and a set of rituals and unique traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the relationships between nationalism and conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. We focus on the two main issues: 1) the intensity and character of belief in the COVID-19 conspiracy theories across five European societies: Germany, England, Ireland, Serbia, and Sweden; and 2) how is the commitment to specific nationalist ideologies linked with the belief in conspiracy theories. The data indicates that those who described themselves as highly religious and politically right-wing are more prone to believe in the strong versions of conspiracy theories. Furthermore, primordialism and the nation-centric view of the world are positively correlated with the propensity towards stronger versions of conspiracy theories. The paper zooms in on the significant differences across the five countries: the Serbian respondents stand out in terms of their strong beliefs in conspiracy theories while the Irish and Serbian respondents who are prone to strong version of conspiratorial thinking also subscribe more to the primordialist understanding of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses how Catalan separatism used the murder of the Russian Governor-General of Finland, Nikolai Bobrikov, in 1906 to establish a parallel between Finland/Catalonia and the Russian Empire/Spain, to transfer through a play an imaginary of combat against the Civil Government of Barcelona. The use of this episode of Finnish history through a play was part of Catalan nationalism’s continued will to find external models and to use relevant moments of other European nationalist movements to explain itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the theme of domestic anxiety of the Indian middle class in the 1980s through two specific genres of the contemporary popular Hindi films – the family drama and the action adventure. Poised right before the 1990s neoliberal drive in the Indian economy, the 80s middle class – hitherto staid and hermetic – was rattled by an ‘invasive’ global culture, permissiveness, politics of representation, rights and reform. This paper shows that the cinematic resolution of this crisis is a grudgingly lenient orthodoxy negotiating with the limits of cultural inclusion, represented through the questions of agency, gender, class, caste and ethnicity abounding in the middle class domestic sphere. The essay analyzes the middle class problematization of the familial as well as the national in films like Arth (Bhatt, 1982), Agar Tum Na Hote (Tandon, 1983), Souten (Tak, 1983), Shaan (Sippy, 1980) and Mr. India (Kapur, 1987). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the complexity of the national representation of Arab players on the Israeli national soccer team. For 90 min, the players are part of society and their presence resembles the inclusion of Arabs in Israel. However, when the match ends, they are again part of the deprived Arab minority and excluded from Israeli society. The study is based on theoretical academic materials, interviews with six prominent Arab soccer players who played in the national team from 1976 until the present day, and selected press interviews with several other Arab internationals. The research findings show that the players define themselves as Arabs who, first and foremost, represent themselves and their families and communities. They ignore racist calls based on ethnic, national, or religious differences. Ultimately, all of them have a hybrid identity and see soccer as a way of life and an opportunity to promote their career and make their families and communities proud due to being part of the national soccer squad. These findings thus adhere to the theoretical framework of instrumental inclusion that this paper offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will study a recent protest in Indian football against the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law championed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party that threatens to render millions of Indian citizens stateless. Recent scholarship on supporter activism in football tends to focus on the local conditions that drive fan-led actions. Yet, as witnessed at the Kolkata demonstration against the amendment in early 2020, the horizon of politics as imagined by fans remains much wider in its scope. Through this study, we can discern a mode of political articulation by football supporters that combines the local and the national. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the coming-to-power of the Fidesz-led collation government, right-wing populism has worked to establish an illiberal democracy and to protect national sovereignty in Hungary. Building an illiberal state has been through, in part, some of the mechanics that are associated with necropolitics. Within this context, the government has deployed strategies, including the use of sport, related infrastructure development and national sporting success, to (re)establish criteria for what they imagine Hungarian citizenship to be within and outside the current geographic borders of the state. This article examines the deployment of sport relating to intersecting narratives around right-wing populism and nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main focus of this paper is on nationalism and national identity through a discussion of naturalized athletes in Chinese football. Thematic analysis was used to examine social media users' comments and posts about Chinese football naturalization. It demonstrates that people's attitudes and their understanding of what it means to be Chinese are divided. Specifically, football and national identity both reflect inclusion and exclusion in relation to these naturalized athletes in the construction of their controversial identity as new Chinese nationals depending on whether this is understood in an ethnic, cultural, or civic way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically reflects upon the symbolic role of sport in relation to nationalism and national identity within contemporary Scottish society. Drawing upon an ethnosymbolist theoretical approach, the article discusses: (a) the mythology associated with Scottish 'national sports'; (b) the existence of independent Scottish teams; and (c) the evocation of ancient Scottish history and warfare within the symbolism of Scottish sport. It underlines the import of sporting issues to ongoing theoretical debates regarding nationalism and national identity in contemporary Scottish society, concluding that ethnosymbolism remains an effective theoretical explanation of the nature of contemporary Scottish nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Monumental Nation: Magyar Nationalism and Symbolic Politics in Fin-de-Siècle Hungary" by Bálint Varga is a book that examines the reception and success or failure of seven monuments inaugurated outside of Hungary's capital to celebrate the country's thousandth founding anniversary in the late nineteenth century. The author analyzes the anomalies of the Magyar national integration project and explores the relationships between central aims and local interests during the millennial festivities. The book provides rich and varied primary sources, but lacks in mobilized secondary sources for critical analysis. It offers detailed descriptions of the settlements but provides little information about public spaces. The focus of the book is on the nationalization process in provincial Hungary rather than the artistic and symbolic interpretations of the monuments. Overall, the book offers valuable insights into the complexity of national identities and provides a methodological tool for similar research projects. [Extracted from the article]

The article offers a critique of International Relations (IR) theories of nationalism and foreign policy, supplemented by an analysis of the Nationalism Studies literature on the subject. Following a discussion of the 'paradoxical status' of nationalism in IR, the article outlines a more eclectic and non-paradigmatic approach – encapsulated in the concept of 'nationalist beliefs' – that emphasises the role of cognitive psychological variables to generate a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between nationalism and foreign policy and related outcomes. The article proposes a novel conceptualisation of nationalism to better understand foreign policy in the decade of New Nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into media coverage of sports news has lately shed new light on expressions of nationalism and media framing. Nevertheless, much of such research has been about national teams, has offered little historical perspective, and has neglected most of the socio-cultural aspects through which nationalism is connected to sports. This article aims to overcome these shortfalls by examining how French and British newspapers shaped and sustained national identities in writing about Formula 1 racing between 1981 and 1985. It demonstrates the complexity of the relationship between nationalism and sports through the interlinked connections of media framing, class, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various authors have challenged the traditional dichotomy of civic and ethnic nationalism. This paper presents the case study of Catalan nationalism in the Belle Époque. It argues for the usefulness of the lens of 'Inter-Nationalism' to highlight the fluctuating and labile character of nationalism and to move beyond the ascription of civic and ethnic types to certain regions by examining the exchanges between nationalist movements. It presents three areas in which Catalan nationalism in the Belle Époque moved between voluntarist-organic and inclusive-exclusive definitions and practices of nationalism: state organisation, gender and minority inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the themed section 'Beyond Binaries of Nationalism' critically reviews the use of binaries in nationalism studies. It identifies a lack of precision in the use of ideal types as a key failing, and points to new conceptions and types. The contributions to the section question the reification of binaries, most especially western/eastern and civic/ethnic and their attendant biases, and instead emphasize a certain ideological fluidity in the character of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The normative binary of 'good-progressive' and 'bad-retrograde' nationalism, traceable to the civic and ethnic dichotomy, is alive and well in studies of nationalism and populism today. This article underlines the insufficiency of this approach, firstly by examining three stances on the civic nation in the West, each of which rejects ethnic nationalism and reflect different fundamental concerns. Moving east, in Central Europe the binary is inverted and turned against 'liberal cosmopolitans'; in Russia, the Kremlin's 'state-civilization' project can be viewed as a distinct trend in nation-building for non-Western contemporary great powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that historicising the evolution of nineteenth century nationalisms in South-Eastern Europe allows us to undermine not only binary understandings of nationalism, but also the essentialist reification of a single ideal type as a dominant or exclusive manifestation of nationalism. It draws attention to the competing nationalisms that can be encountered in the area during this period, varying across the spatial and temporal axes, as well as in their espousal by certain groups within the same 'nation'. The article challenges notions of a temporal lag, constitutive of binary interpretations that identify a fundamental difference between 'East' and 'West'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dichotomy of civic vs. ethnic nationalism has long been applied spatially to explain differences between 'Western' and 'Eastern' manifestations of nationalism. Though frequently criticised on empirical, methodological, and normative grounds, this dualism continues to find widespread use in nationalism studies. Through a genealogical study of the dichotomy's emergence and evolution from Hans Kohn to John Plamenatz and Ernest Gellner, the article traces its strong ties to discourses and policies of 'Western' superiority, and to demi-orientalising constructions of 'Eastern Europe' as the inferior other of the 'civilized West'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss recent developments in the field of digital nationalism, presenting some of the more recent scholarship in this emergent subfield of nation studies, as well as discussing key issues and potential research questions for future research. Following introductory remarks on the study of nations and nationalisms in their offline forms, I will proceed to the discussion of the most recent studies in the new subfield of digital nationalism. Drawing from the work of digital nationalism scholars, I will also offer several research questions for further study in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During recent years media discussion over the gravity of climate change has increased rapidly. One of the most used bywords has been 'carbon footprint', a concept with a moral appeal to global responsibility and a sense of global environmental togetherness. However, 'carbon footprint responsibility' cannot be separated from nationalistically loaded affects and their representations but instead it has effected new articulations that support state-centric ideologies, offering a fresh starting point for re-conceptualizing the theories of nationalism. This article analyses how the Finnish media constructs a contradictory discourse in which the moral debate over carbon footprint responsibility merges with nationalistically loaded argumentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an interpretive-textual method, this study seeks to analyse the major characteristics of Abdullah Öcalan's narrative of history in terms of the relationship between history and nationalism. Öcalan has been the undisputed leader of the PKK since the founding of the organization in 1978. As the leader who has shaped the policies of the PKK, Öcalan's narrative of history has functioned as a cognitive map for the organization. Accordingly, this study argues that Öcalan's narrative of history reflects a strong primordialist tendency. Furthermore, it is argued that history has been a significant component of Öcalan's political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between First World War Centenary commemoration and state-sponsored nationalism in New Zealand. In the national museum's Gallipoli exhibition, commemoration shifts from its traditional emphasis upon military sacrifice for the nation. Film-related special effects technology promotes individual affective identification with suffering and loss, but also extolls the ingenious achievements and talents of both New Zealand soldiers historically, and Gallipoli's producers. National identity is aligned with state promotion of creative and technological innovation as central to economic growth. The national myth-making of Gallipoli locates a technologically sophisticated modern New Zealand in the historical experience of the War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Greek state engaged in a campaign that opted to present southern Macedonia as a genuinely Hellenic space. The goal was to inhibit rival national discourses that emphasized the primordial presence of non-Greek ethnic groups in the province which legitimized expansionist claims by other states. To achieve this, many Greek governments at the time employed agents and institutions who used three devices to spatialize the Hellenic past of the province: Travelogues, monuments, and excavations. This paper explores and assesses their impact on defining southern Macedonia as a Greek land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the conceptual framework of the ideology of the 'nationally minded' Greeks that emerged from the Greek Civil War and the East–West divide. The basic components of this ideology, such as nationalism, anti-communism/anti-totalitarianism and the allegiance to the West -shared by the right and the centre-right- are explored through the transnational and transatlantic intercrossing of concepts and patterns of thought. Despite authoritarian policies restricting civil rights only to the 'nationally minded', the Greeks participated in the global 'ideological war' on behalf of 'Greek Liberty' and the 'Free World'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898, the US strategic goal was to transform the Mexican Gulf and the Caribbean into an 'American Mediterranean Sea', to ensure its military and commercial hegemony. The opening of the interoceanic canal of Panama, which coincided with the outbreak of the Great War, promoted among Ibero-American elites the development of a new continental pan-nationalism inspired by Hispanism, in combination with an increasing and heterogeneous anti-imperialism. Concentrating on the years from 1898 to 1918, this paper will analyze the influence of those currents on Latin American intellectuals as a reaction to the transition from a traditional empire —Spain and its overseas colonies— to a new form of 'imperialism' embodied by the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the symbolic political negotiations in Lithuania. Dealing with soviet cultural heritage like museums and monuments, the article discusses the development of identity politics in independent Lithuania. There are two topics, which became referential points for the politics of remembrance and education in Lithuania: Memory of the victims of Stalinism and memory of the Holocaust victims. The article will argue how the transformation of the museum and memorial landscape is connected with the identity politics of the transformation time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the many challenges facing the new, or enlarged, nation-states that arose on the territories of the former empires of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe in 1918, few were as vexing or complex as the so-called 'minorities question'. Thousands of disparate communities suddenly discovered that they now existed as minorities, often in areas adjacent to their designated homelands. As an introduction to this special issues, this article provides an overview of the key concepts and historical debates surrounding the interwar regional minorities question. It also seeks to challenge underlying assumptions that characterise such communities as perpetual victims of nationalist animosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shaping of a dominant discourse on Germanness among the Banat Swabians, a German-speaking minority community, over a long period of upheaval. Particularly following WWI, debates over what it meant to be German gained significance as a means of political contestation and a way of mobilizing the Swabian community vis-à-vis the Romanian state. While appeals to belonging within a broader German nation were popularized, the symbols developed to convey this affiliation showed particular local and regional understandings of Banat Swabian Germanness—a trend that only began to change in the 1930s, as these symbols were appropriated by new challengers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comprehensive national defence is a security concept, which is based on whole-of-society involvement, therefore the will of society to defend the state is a precondition for it to be effective. The will to defend the state is a moral commitment arising from national identity. However, Latvia's ethnic structure is setting specific circumstances for this security concept, due to the polarization of views among the Latvian and Russian-speaking communities. This paper addresses the question of how linguistic distinctions affect willingness to fight for a country and expands knowledge on identity patterns in an ethnically diverse society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of conflict between Ukraine and Russia and increasing polarisation, symbolic boundaries between the two spaces are shifting. Here I investigated the themes and strategies of border-construction between the concepts of 'Ukrainianness' and 'Russianness' through everyday acts of communication of Russian-speaking Ukrainians. The article utilises materials of 14 in-depth interviews with Russian speakers from various Ukrainian regions (2018). The results show that the polarisation and hardening of borders between Ukraine and Russia prompted two responses: acceptance vs. negotiation/denial. The underlying tension behind opposing border-narratives was caused by the competition between ethnic and civic elements for the dominance in the national identity discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article defines contemporary social patriotism as a type of welfare nationalism, with characteristics of an achievable civic form of maintenance nationalism. It investigates the presence of this type of nationalism in contemporary Spain, pointing out the novelty of the explicit linkage of patriotism and a reformist agenda by leftist parties. It also argues that social patriotism has the leverage for creating transversal identities within a multinational democracy such as Spain. After testing our hypotheses using qualitative and quantitative data, we discuss the implications of these findings within a wider European context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the bloodshed of the nineties, Serbia has all but ceased to exist in the spotlight of the international community, as well as within scholarly production. Yet virulent nationalism and Orthodoxy-based national identities have never left, and are now found in online spaces as well. This article concentrates on the contemporary portal The Nationalist, founded and led by a nefarious nationalist, Miroljub Petrović, who has recently gotten into the center of attention both in Serbian online spaces, as well as in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of austerity on the politics of nationalism in Catalonia, Scotland, and Québec. In Catalonia, the recession and subsequent politics of austerity aided a secessionist turn triggered by an important judgement of the Spanish Constitutional Court. In Scotland, the Conservative austerity policies gave powerful arguments to the Scottish National Party in the context of the 2014 referendum on independence. In contrast, in Québec, austerity had no visible impact on nationalism. Our analysis of the impact of austerity on nationalism stresses the role of blame assignation as it intersects with political institutions and fiscal pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the texts of the state/national anthems of five states created out of the SFR Yugoslavia: Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia. While the lyrics of these anthems offer little if any information about the identity of their singers, the anthems function well as national markers of the singers. While most of them originate in the nineteenth-century poems/songs, from 1989 onwards, they were transformed, through special legislation, into state anthems; their transformation into state anthems was part of the legal preparation for the creation of the new states out of the Communist-ruled federation. The state anthems of Bosnia and Herzegovina and of Kosovo have no lyrics and are consequently not explored in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Underpinned by concepts drawn from postcolonial theory, this article speculates on the relationship between built form and the experience of difference. It critically examines cultural theorist Homi K. Bhabha's conceptualisation of nation – focusing on ideas of the 'performative' and 'pedagogical' – as applied to frame specific works of architecture in the writing of Felipe Hernández. This analysis is then used as the foundation for two building reviews. Firstly, the National Museum of Australia, which reveals an emphasis on formal incoherence to reflect the plurality of national identity. This in-turn leads to a consideration of 'affect' as an alternative design hermeneutic in the pursuit of non-reductive methods to reflect the lived plurality of 'nation-space'. This consideration is extended to a second building study: the Institut du Monde Arabe, which is used to advance ideas on the relationship between form (representation) and affect (non-representation) and the relative merits these may bring to a re-thinking of design approaches in contexts of complex national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review article reflects on a representative sample of past architecture submissions to the journal National Identities: Critical Inquiry into Nationhood, Politics & Culture. The articles reviewed are drawn from those published since the inaugural issue through to date, spanning a period of twenty-one years. Twenty-four articles (of thirty-five initially reviewed) are included and organised into three categories: Typology, Remembrance and Geopolitics. Thematic, conceptual and analytical distinctions and commonalities between articles are highlighted, with the aim of providing an overview of the scholarship and intellectual territory covered. Beyond the particular categories identified, the article identifies the problem of form and context as central to any research interest in architectural nationalism, and suggests future lines of inquiry that may also provide generalisable benefits for the advancement of the discipline more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central issue in the academic discussion related to immigrant groups and their integration in 'their new home' is national identity. This paper focuses on the methodological choices during a case study of the students' subjectivity in an Intercultural School in Thessaloniki in Greece and on how immigrant students form their identities. Most students as second-generation immigrants constantly negotiate multiple identities. This negotiation leads to the construction of ambivalence and conflicting identities that are represented with uncertainty and equivocation in their discourse. In this paper, I will present briefly a conceptual placement in social constructionism and the distinction between primitive and modern nationalism and will continue focusing on how the ambiguous and conflicting identities of immigrant students are shaped based on conception of national identity, the role of nostalgia and memory and finally on the polycemy of the construction of national identity of students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two principal dimensions are commonly identified within the complex phenomenon of national identity: national boundaries and attachment to the nation. Few studies have sought to examine them together. By their combination, this study is based on the premise of the tension between a more open and inclusive view of the nation, as reflected in civic identity and patriotism, and a more closed and exclusionary conception, as reflected in ethnic identity and nationalism. The findings from a cross-national analysis provide only partial support for a comprehensive model of national identity and are discussed in light of the limitations of the measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has shown that the strength of national identity can be affected by election outcomes, and these changes hinge, in part, on partisan identities. Research on partisan identities highlights the behavioural effects of negative partisan attitudes in contrast to the more established positive dimension of partisanship. This study considers the impact of the 2015 Canadian federal election outcome upon national identities. Using data from the 2015 Canadian Election Study, findings show the change of government affected identification with Canada, depending on the presence and type of partisan identities held by electors and upon the level of campaign attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identities must interact with the linguistic identities of groups within state borders. Individuals are typically categorized by their first-language capabilities, and theories about ethnic fragmentation and sub-national conflict are largely based on these categorizations. Though we are aware that most people in Africa are multilingual, this has not shifted our theorizing. If people are indeed multilingual, particularly in a lingua franca, then their economic and political behavior may be different from what we expect to emerge from their first-language identities. This paper seeks to push theorizing to include the linking role of lingua francas. It looks at a particular language, Dyula, and shows how it spread historically in West Africa and contemporarily within Burkina Faso. Using original survey research, it shows the geographic regions in which it has spread and the individuals who adopt it. This can help to predict its future role, and that of other lingua francas across the continent of Africa, suggesting an alternate end-point to the bifurcated debate about national identities that advocates either monolingual or linguistically demarcated states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can three exhibitions in the 1930s tell us about diaspora nationalism and Yugoslavia? During the interwar period, the newly-formed Kingdom of Yugoslavia struggled to win the loyalty of its overseas population, which it called its 'tenth province', through symbolic displays at World Fairs and International expositions in the United States. Although initially emigrant activists controlled these exhibitions, over the decade the Yugoslav foreign service took control. By analyzing this power struggle, I unravel how both the homeland and the host country shape the expression and presentation of diaspora nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

St Helena is a British Overseas Territory. This paper investigates how an imagined and ideological link between Britain and the island was created, maintained and eventually weakened. British citizenship was removed in 1981. Since its return in 2002, many St Helenians have migrated to the UK. Whilst an ideological sense of Britishness has weakened, a sense of lived Britishness has simultaneously occurred. Investigating the feelings, emotions and cultural values within this small migrant community, the islanders are far from deluded about their downgraded national identity and, as a community, are willing to articulate their mixed emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do newspapers' opinion editorials produce national identities of nations involved in an international conflict? This study examines op-eds in the US, China and the Philippines, which discuss the Scarborough Shoal conflict. Data processing includes word-association calculations and positioning analysis. Results demonstrate self-vested national identities. China-based articles create national identities around the goal of preserving political clout in the Asia-Pacific. US op-eds invert China's goal and generate identities asserting US regional power. Philippine commentaries portray China as a bully and the US as a defender. Results are discussed in light of the link between politicized national identities and global clashes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the distinctive roles that social media play for the diasporic Kurds in regard to the political and nationhood process. It attempts to understand how the notion of Kurdayeti [Kurdish nationalism] has been affected by the growth of Kurdish social media. It argues: although the Kurdish political activism has been accelerated by the rise of social media and the ethnic identity discussions have become much more visible, the idea of a unified imagined Kurdish nation has been affected by the existing socio-political fragmentations among the Kurds and transformed into a participatory and pluralistic imagined community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the collective remembrance of a specific historical event shapes the national identity that underpins a state's foreign policy objectives. By drawing on multidisciplinary insights, the paper explains how political actors frame past events in order to promote a certain conceptualization of a national community. Taking Ukraine as a case study, the paper demonstrates how Russia's intervention in Ukraine in 2014–2015 prompted Ukrainian policy-makers to re-define Ukraine's relations with the EU and Russia by re-evaluating the experience of Ukrainians in WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is one in a number of attempts by students of nations and nationalism to understand national and European identity. Its point of departure are the arguments of Guibernau (2011) that the EU has created only a non-emotional identity based on the pursuit of prosperity; and, conversely, the claim of Wellings and Power (2015) that the EU has now its own nationalism with an emotional dimension. My initial observation is that an explicit evocation of European nationalism only surfaced in the immediate post war period within the remnants of fascist parties. So the issue is the attempt by the actors within the EU to create a European identity as an accompaniment to federal integration. This was not an initial quest but something that arose within attempts to breathe life into the EU in the 1970s. The endeavour was controversial from the outset and had effectively been curtailed by the mid 1990s as the intergovernmental character of the organisation imposed a primary commitment to preserving national diversity. Subsequent economic and monetary union has relied on the rationale of efficient governance. However, the evidence suggests that identification with Europe and the EU is surprisingly high. To understand it, I finally consider the gestation of Europeanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After WWII, nationalism in Germany was frowned upon as a phenomenon of the extreme right. For the critical voices at the end of the sixties and in the seventies, national identity meant more than ever to constantly ask oneself what it meant to be German. However, almost thirty years after reunification, nationalist tendencies have quickly reached the midst of society. The article argues that nationalism did not manifest itself in political or cultural discourses due to post-war taboos, but rather in surrogate ones, especially in football and the economy. Perceived as 'neutral fields' in contrast to politics, they paved the way to the 'normalisation' of national feelings and the gradual re-definition of the German post-war identity – an identity largely based on a narrative of competition, success, and 'German virtues'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]