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This article explores the experiences of the author's father, Wolfgang Yourgrau, a German Jew who fled Nazi Germany and sought refuge in Palestine during the British Mandate. Yourgrau arrived in Palestine as a political exile, not as a Zionist, and the article delves into the political landscape of the time, including tensions between different factions of Zionism and the growing divide between Jews and Arabs. It also highlights the challenges faced by German-speaking Jewish refugees in Palestine and the cultural tensions they encountered. The article emphasizes the need to remain vigilant against fascism and toxic nationalism, even within Zionist movements. Additionally, the article discusses the history of the German-language journal Orient, founded by Yourgrau, which aimed to provide a platform for German-speaking Jews in Palestine. The journal faced opposition from various groups, including Zionists and socialists, and ultimately ceased publication after being bombed in 1943. The article reflects on the evolving perspectives of Yourgrau and other contributors to the journal, particularly in relation to the establishment of the state of Israel and its subsequent actions. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the ideas and impact of Frantz Fanon, a prominent figure in anti-colonial and postcolonial studies. Fanon's writings condemn colonialism and its effects on both the colonized and the colonizer, emphasizing the importance of decolonization and self-determination for oppressed peoples. The article also connects Fanon's ideas to contemporary issues such as the Israeli bombardment of Gaza and global anti-corruption movements. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of solidarity with the Palestinians and the refusal to abandon their home. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses a recently published book titled "Against Erasure: A Photographic Memory of Palestine Before the Nakba," which showcases a collection of photographs depicting Palestine before the Israeli regime. The author emphasizes the importance of these images in countering revisionism and mystification surrounding the Nakba, a term referring to the displacement and dispossession of Palestinians during the establishment of Israel. The photographs offer a glimpse into a Palestine defined by its industries and cultures, and prompt questions about the socioeconomic context and the experiences of those not captured in the images. The article concludes by highlighting the significance of preserving and acknowledging the victims and resisters of the present-day Nakba. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the connection between the Palestinian cause and Asian American identity, as well as the relationship between Asian American literature and Jewish American representation. It delves into the complexities of self-defense, inclusion, and solidarity, using the story "The Chinese in Haifa" as an example of shared experiences between Asian Americans and Jewish Americans. The article also addresses the challenges of discussing war and colonialism within interethnic tensions and highlights the significance of literature in reclaiming Asian American identity. It emphasizes the importance of expansive solidarity among Asian Americans and the need to challenge racism, colonialism, and settler colonialism. [Extracted from the article]

At the end of the novel, the fictionalized Shammas asks himself how he "would have responded if Bar-On had not been breathing down my neck, and whether the situation of Bar-On not breathing down my neck is at all possible, for better or for worse." BOOKS & the ARTS Arabesques, the first and only novel by the acclaimed Palestinian writer Anton Shammas, was originally translated into English 35 years ago, in 1988. The scenes between Bar-On and the fictionalized Shammas are deftly illustrative of the discourse of power relations between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority in 1980s Israel as it manifested itself in the treatment of Arabs in Hebrew fiction. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents information on the civil war in Syria. The author says that Syria is hosting conflicts between Turks and Kurds, the US and Iran, Israel and Hezbollah, and between Russia and the U.S. According to him, the U.S. plans to create a Border Security Force of Kurdish fighters and Arab tribes for containing Iranian aggression.

The article discusses the U.S. government's surveillance operations on Arab communities across the country. Filmmaker and investigative journalist Assia Boundaoui has released the documentary "The Feeling of Being Watched" to disclose surveillance operations of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) under its Operation Vulgar Betrayal. Agents of the FBI and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) were able to infiltrate Muslim groups and businesses.

The article discusses the actions of the radical right in the United States following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The target of vigilante violence were not Jews anymore but Arabs and others who are mistaken for Middle-Easteners. Most Americans believe that Osama bin Laden was responsible for the September 11 terrorist attacks. After the attacks, the anti-Arab attitudes did not subside anymore. According to a survey of Americans regarding the terrorist attacks, 32% favored in putting Arabs under special surveillance.

The Palestinian uprising that has rocked the Jewish state in recent months has, ironically, given a major political boost to Israel's radical right-a powerful religious-nationalist movement whose goal is to annex the occupied territories and expel Israel's Arabs. Fueled by a blend of biblical prophecy and Realpolitik, the radical right contends that God gave the land of Israel, which includes the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, to the Jewish people. The Palestinians are considered "resident strangers" or descendants of the Amalek, the biblical tribe destroyed by the ancient Hebrews. This hardline view found that the Arab riots have strengthened the radical right.

The article focuses on war and peace process in the Middle East. Only the U.S. Administration and the Western media still seem to believe that the "peace process," long dead in the mind of most Arabs, can be put, as the tired State Department cliché goes, "back on track?" There is a tangible drift toward war in the Middle East, and the signs of that coming conflict, even if it does not involve Egypt and Jordan can be seen around the region by anyone who is prepared to look for them. Alongside this evidence of growing popular anger in the Middle East are the public expressions of fury at what Arabs regard as a total betrayal of the "peace process?" The best-known expression of this was the letter King Hussein wrote to Benjamin Netanyahu on March 9, in which he accused the Israeli Prime Minister of reneging on the promise of future peace.

This article focuses on the social and political problems, faced by Israel. There is a feeling both of melancholy and determination in this Israeli air. The melancholy comes from the knowledge that the Arabs do not intend to sit down and talk with Israel and that peace is a long way distant; it also comes from the continual reports of casualties, one and two a day, either at Suez or in the Jordan River basin; and the realization that Israel will have to pay a price for its current highly advantageous strategic position. The determination is that Israel will see it through. The trouble is that Israel takes no initiative in dealing with the Arabs in its control, whether in Israel or in the territories. A point of stagnation has been reached. Countermeasures of force are evident enough, but political countermeasures, designed to undercut Arab hostility and even to win Arab acceptance and support, are very few.

A year and a half after a brilliant military victory, Israel remains a land obsessed by physical survival. Its citizens are supremely confident of their own military prowess and utterly contemptuous of the military and general capabilities of their Arab neighbors. Border skirmishes and border casualties are a daily affair; the possibilities of heavily damaging sabotage are only too well known. Israel occupies vast new territories of land where dwell 1.25 million hostile Arabs and there is no consensus as to what to do with that land or its inhabitants. Indeed the disposition of the occupied territories defines the content of much of Israel's politics today. The one other public issue of consequence is the future political leadership of the country. Israel's parties, like most of its other public institutions, are still controlled by first-generation East European Jews, now in their 70's.

The partition plan for Palestine, as it was described in the "New York Times" last Friday, is almost too bad to be believed. Indeed it seems almost incredible that the new committee, after weeks of labor, should have brought forth so vicious and provocative a mouse; far better to have adjourned without any decision. For the plan outlined in the newspaper invites immediate rejection by Jews as well as Arabs and is guaranteed to inflame the anger of both. It would divide the country into Zionist, Arab and British districts with a British-controlled central government holding final and all-but-absolute power over the whole country. The Jewish and Arab areas would, says the "New York Times" have considerably less autonomy than was enjoyed by Britain's American colonies in the eighteenth century.

The Simpson report and the British government's declaration of policy on Palestine. The report received with a storm of criticism in Jewish circles. John Simpson reported that the Arabic land available was strictly limited, that the Arabs have not been receiving sufficient consideration in its allocation, and that Jewish immigration should be better regulated and in some categories entirely stopped until the landless Arabs are better provided for. British government emphasizes its responsibility under the mandate for fair and considerate treatment of Moslems as well as Jews.

In its five months of fruitless meetings the Palestine Conciliation Commission succeeded only in enlarging the gulf between the Arabs and the Jews. This result was almost inevitable, for the members of the commission consistently disregarded their instructions to bring the disputing nations together in an effort to achieve permanent peace in the Middle East. Instead, the commission members sought to impose solutions dictated by their national interests, discouraging direct negotiation to the point of rebuking an Arab diplomat who attempted to meet privately with the Israelis.

The mask has finally disappeared and British intention in Palestine stands dearly revealed. If any, doubt remained that the British are determined to achieve victory for the Arabs, the performance of Alexander Cadogan last week in the Security Council dissipated the last shred. Not only did he make a successful effort to prevent the council from branding as aggression the open invasion of Palestine by the Arab states, but he adopted the Arab line that the United Nation's had no legal right to dispose of the Palestine question although Great Britain brought the question to the United Nation and joined the Arabs in a demand that the present juridical status of Palestine be determined.

The Israeli's clear advantage in the present struggle is that they do not desire, nor does their program incur, the death of Arabs. Their presence in Palestine calls for many adjustments; but it need not hinder the health and happiness of a single Arab. On the contrary, their industrial, political and scientific skills, can be of great value to their neighbors. To this end, which would be an organic beginning, both the Israelis and the West must shift their positions. The West must prove that its democracy, and its championing democracy abroad, are real. Israel must prove that it is not a satellite of any colonizing or exploiting power.

The article focuses on elections and social conditions in Kuwait. According to the author, democracy in the country has been a mirage. Democracy should always be so hassle-free. The list of residents left out of the contest is almost comprehensive: women, "second class" citizens, those whose families arrived in Kuwait after 1920, stateless Arabs or Beduns, meaning "those without" and, of course, foreign guest workers. In all, no more than one adult resident in eight was allowed to cast a vote. Liberal Kuwaitis hoped the October elections would produce at least one crucial victory: the enfranchisement of women. But the new Parliament in the country seems unlikely to grant even that concession.

What a few months ago was chiefly a campaign of terrorism against the Jews in Palestine is now war in the full sense of the word. The total failure of Great Britain's attempts to subdue Arab unrest was due in no small measure to its real fear of a pan-Arab revolt. Now the situation is completely out of hand. Retaliatory bombing by militant Jewish Revisionists has had the unfortunate effect of rallying the saner and more responsible elements among the Arabs to the support of their countrymen. Instead of a relatively small group of Arab terrorists, many of them tools of German and Italian propaganda, Palestine and Great Britain will now have to contend with the whole Arab race.

The article comments on the American reaction to the Palestine remarks made by the British foreign secretary Ernest Bevin at Bournemouth, England. Bevin would have ventured it if he were not casting about for an alibi to cover his own failure to meet the issue. Also when he says that if one has to raise the Arabs' life to the standard of the Jews, one cannot do it if one take away their land. Bevin has demanded to the Jews and Arabs to lay down their arms. Reading this, one realizes how little Bevin has learned from the inquiry, indeed from the long record of British colonial policy, he still believes that order is a prerequisite to policy, an idea easily converted into the theory that order is a substitute for policy.

This article presents information about political and economic developments affecting the U.S. and other countries. The U.S. President's plan for conferences with business leaders and public officials in order to help bring about continued business progress ought not to be regarded as a mere gesture from a badly scared politician to bolster a shaky stock market. Things seem to be getting worse in the Near East. The Arab-Jewish riots have died down but the bitterness persists and expresses itself in ways which may, in the long run, be even more dangerous than a sudden murder or riot. No Jew buys goods of an Arab and no Arab buys of a Jew.

The problem of Palestine has tossed the story "Morning Post" under the same coverlet with the Mohammedan Arab chieftains, and the Holy See has crawled in alongside. All of them are afraid, it appears, that the Jews will build up a powerful, tyrannical state by the shores of the Jordan and that no one else will be allowed life or liberty or a free look at the Holy Places. So far these fears have been founded on imagination. The Zionist organization and the Jewish parties in Palestine are struggling to develop the country against odds which may in the end overpower them— financial difficulty, labor trouble, Arab hostility, and dissension in their own ranks.

Reports on the author's visit to Israel. Attack of Jerusalem by Arabs; Destruction of Christian shrines, churches, and monasteries; Actions taken by Arab soldiers; Increasing of Arab wages to be equal to Jewish wages.

This article describes the social conditions of Israel. Israeli officials believe that, when peace comes, the refugee Arabs should be re-admitted after careful screening. Then there are others who look upon the Arab exodus as an unexpected and enormous favor conferred upon Israel by its enemies. The Arab problem had solved itself, they said, with the help of the Mufti; why should the Jews voluntarily revive it when, above all, they need land and houses for their own immigration and freedom from the endless vexations that arise from a big and inassimilable minority?

The article reports on the awareness of British for foreign invaders incursion including the exact deployment as being reported in the British Military Intelligence. The casualties of the violence in Palestine were imposed by Arab attacks and Jewish reprisals as reported by the Palestine Commission of the United Nations. The "Intelligence Summary No. 68," a secret report contains the Arab invasion detailed record which consists of Arab bands infiltration with an organized four detachments.

Various proposals have been made for a solution of the Palestine problem. The Arabs demand an independent Palestine immediately; this would of course mean an Arab-controlled state since the Jews are in a minority. The British have proposed a form of federalization or cantoaization under the ultimate authority of the British crown. Various groups, Jewish and non-Jewish, favor an independent bi-national state in which power would be divided equally between Jews and Arabs. Other groups and individuals advocate partition on a basis, which would create in Palestine what has come to be called "a viable Jewish state." This last scheme, which has won some backing among moderate Zionists, involves a serious modification of the traditional Zionist aim, namely, the establishment of a Jewish commonwealth in the whole area of Palestine.

This article presents information on several socio-political developments around the world. It is informed that riots in Jerusalem has cost more than a hundred lives in Palestine up to August 27, 1929. Behind it lies the fundamental fact that the overwhelming majority of the population of Palestine is Arab, and that no considerable group of Arabs has ever accepted the theory that Palestine is to be the "Jewish National Home." There were anti-Jewish riots in Jerusalem at Easter, 1920, and in and near Jaffa in May, 1921, in which 104 persons were killed and more than 400 injured.

From the French in Morocco one hears a little of everything— approval of colonial exploitation in its most blatant form, insistence that it is France's sacred duty to the Arabs to allow them to benefit gradually from French culture and economic planning, the conviction that it is no earthly use looking too far ahead. Heaven only knows what might not happen in the next ten years. They have to keep the place under control and see that the 350,000 Frenchmen who have settled here come to no harm.

The article presents information on the book "The Revolt in Arabia," by C. Snouck Hurgronje. Once more the habitual unpleasantness in the relations of Arabs and Turks has entered upon an acute stage, it is accentuated by Husayn ibn Aly, Grand Sherif of Mecca, renouncing his allegiance to the Sublime Porte. As a side-issue of the great war this act of self-assertion may be expected to have consequences in the revision of the political map of Western Asia. If any one, Prof. Snouck Hurgronje is qualified to express an opinion on that and other aspects of the revolt in Arabia.

The article presents information on the book "East and West Through Fifteen Centuries," by G.F. Young. Young has not allowed his theological proclivities to affect his fairness of statement or his desire to describe events just as they happened. He does not deal in reflections, so he seldom stops to debate controversial questions. In his view, the Roman empire was stronger under Constantine and Constantine himself the greatest of all the emperors. In the account he gives of the conquest of North Africa by the Muslim Arabs in the seventh and eighth centuries, he argues that In the course of the long conflict practically the whole of the Roman, or Christian, population of what was then a rich and populous country must have been exterminated.

The article discusses alleged sexual assaults supposedly committed by North African or Middle Eastern men on New Year's Eve 2015 in Germany. Topics include mass media coverage of the alleged assaults, attempts to collectively blame Arab migrants and refugees for sexual assaults, and the relation of patriarchy as compared to Islam in sexual violence.

The article presents the insights of journalist Bret Stephens on Islam, Arabs and the Middle East.

An interview with American political activist Ralph Nader, is presented. When asked about his view on the congressional votes to prevent Syrian refugees and on how the U.S. Republican presidential candidates talks about Muslims and Arabs, Nader stated that it is mass bigotry and stereotyping an entire religion as well as ethnic group. It mentioned his book " Return to Sender," and "Unstoppable." He commented on the issue of trade policy such as Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).

This article focuses on the array of conflicts in Sudan and the government's role in them. The recent United Nations Commission of Inquiry's report on Darfur may be right or wrong in claiming that the atrocities committed in the region do not amount to genocide. But what matters far more than that designation, or the report's identification of those responsible for the violence, is the fact that the conflict in Darfur continues unabated. Now, as attention is focused on ending the Darfur crisis, there is turbulence in other parts of the country. The main root of all these conflicts is the injustice of the Khartoum government. While that government has grown rich from the oil in the south and the mechanized farming schemes in the east and west, it has systematically and consistently denied the peoples of these regions equal access to wealth and development, including equal access to education, healthcare and economic opportunity. These conflicts are not, as is often depicted, merely racial or cultural.

This article focuses on the social forces within Lebanon and how they may influence the future of the country. Ever since a massive bomb killed former prime minister Rafik Hariri on February 14, downtown Beirut has evolved into a solemn carnival, halfway between a wake and a rave. Could this be the Arab world's first bloodless coup--a velvet intifada? On March 8, half a million demonstrators--mainly Shiites--showed up for a counterdemonstration that made the cedar revolution look like a sapling. The sheer numbers showed wide support for Syria among Shiites, but also the depth of support for Hezbollah, the Syria-backed guerrilla group and political party. "The question now becomes, In Lebanon, can a group of people come up with a vision that allows people to rise above their confession and their political differences?" says D. Roman Kulchitsky, a professor of political science at the American University of Beirut.

This article focuses on the social forces that lead to the cedar revolution in Lebanon. In what is being called the "cedar revolution," demonstrators in Beirut brought down the pro-Syrian government at the end of February and forced Damascus to announce the withdrawal of its 14,000 troops from Lebanon. But it would be wrong to ignore the complexities of the situation, especially in Lebanon or to credit the Administration of U.S. President George W. Bush's war on Iraq for the encouraging signs. It would also be a mistake to conclude that the cedar revolution in any way vindicates or legitimizes the US invasion of Iraq. Rather, the larger lesson may be less about US-inspired democracy than about Arab self-determination and the rejection of occupation.

Focuses on political attitudes regarding the race between President George W. Bush and Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry in the 2004 United States election. Discussion of the political attitudes of Arab Americans; Impact of the voting of Arab Americans on the electoral college in swing states; Support of the Arab American Political Action Committee for Kerry; Increase of racial profiling of Arabs in America following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks; Criticism of Democratic vice presidential candidate John Edwards' sympathy for Israel in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The article discusses the condition of Arabs in France during the Persian Gulf War. They were checked systematically at the entrance and the exit to the Metro. There's always a finger to point them in the crowd. They have become the usual suspect for all the searches. Everything goes against them during that period. They were called Islamic fundamentalists, as if it were a race or a nationality. The war was happening in the Persian Gulf, but there they were being seen as soldiers of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and of Islam. On the radio and the TV they were said fanatics. All Arabs invoked Allah and his prophet, Mohammed, that they might bring about the kingdom of peace on earth, that the Arabs might be given greater consideration, treated with less suspicion, not necessarily loved but at least respected.

The obvious key to the success of Arab strategy is the presence, in the disputed territories of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank of the Jordan River, of Palestinian Arabs, people who breed and bleed and advertise their misery. This compassionate reference to the Palestinian situation comes from writer Ruth R. Wisse, in Commentary for May. What bothers Wisse is the "failure of nerve" of American Jewish intellectuals: said failure being squeamishness about the shootings and beatings meted out to the breeders.

Presents several editorials which discuss different subjects. "The Problem of the CIA," which discussed the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and allegations that it was involved in political assassinations; "The Recruitment Process," which discussed the inability of the Democratic Party to bring forward a presidential candidate for the 1976 election; "The Arab Blacklist," which discussed a statement made the Arabs that they will not trade with concerns that deal with Israel; "Defending Spain's Workers," which discussed the Spanish Supreme Court's decision to reduce the sentences imposed on workers known as the Carabanchel; "Flight Memo," which discussed the reaction of pilots to an editorial in a previous issue of "The Nation."

For eighteen weeks, Palestine has been the scene of destruction and murder. At least 1,000 Jews have been killed by the Arabs. For these happenings, the British government alone is responsible. The disturbances could have been stopped in any week of the past eighteen. For eighteen weeks Britain has taken no decisive action. It has not adopted the stern measures necessary to end the disorders nor has it yielded to the Arabs. So many inexplicable things are done here that if one did not assume an imperialistic method behind the madness, one would be forced to doubt Britain's sanity.

Presents letters to the editor. Comment on a previously published article entitled "Why Arabs Kill Jews"; Discussion on the issue of settling the Arab revolt peacefully; Information on Zionism.

This article presents the author's views on the Arabs hatred for the Jews. The Arab youth movement cannot be trifled with, and the sooner the West learns to respect it, the better. In Palestine nearly every village now boasts a patriotic youth society; the Scout movement, in the vanguard of the new nationalism, was unheard of before 1920, but now it has a membership of about 4,000; so great is the demand for education that some 60 per cent of the applicants have to be turned away every year for lack of accommodation. though the British have been opening about seventy new schools each year.

Presents several letters to the editor. Information about the Georgia legislature; Steps taken by the United Nations to defend the Arabs of Palestine; Political situation of the U.S. in 1969.

This article focuses on the book "Among the Arabs: A Narrative of Adventures in Algeria," by G. Naphegyi. The finest part of this little book is the picture of the author among the Arabs, prefixed to the title-page. It shows him in Arabian costume, possessed of distinctly Abrahamitic features. There is an index added which shows that the book is written for instruction, and not for amusement only. The elaborate character of that alphabetic key to the treasures of information presented to the readers is almost surprising.

This article focuses on the interpersonal relations between the Arabs and Jews in Egypt. There is sharp contrast in cleanliness and health- between the Egyptian villager and urban poor and the' Arab villager and urban poor in Palestine. The coming of the Jews had helped rather than hurt the Arabs perhaps. Despite difficulties which from abroad appear insuperable there was a great and growing community one finds, on visiting Arab villages and neighboring Jewish colonies, a clear evidence of good relations between the two peoples. One feel a huge reservoir of good- will between the Arab and Jew which can be tapped; and one does not sense in talks with Arabs either in Palestine or in Egypt, despite their differences, any feeling of race hatred or dislike of Jews as a people.

The article presents information on political developments in various parts of the world. The political feature of the week is the U.S. National Democratic Convention at Chicago. Delegates and other politicians began to arrive in that city on Friday and Saturday in great numbers. The U.S. Senate passed the House bill further restricting the importation of Chinese labor. There were only twelve negative votes. It was rumored on Wednesday that 12,000 Arabs had attacked and captured Debbeh. It is said that 3,000 of the garrison and inhabitants were killed. The Mudir of Dongola and a number of officers have gone in the direction of Debbeh.

The article comments on slavery in Liberia. Slaves are bought, through the itinerant and resident Arabs of the lower part of the continent, by men of consequence, who use them for the most part as bodyguards. These slaves have personal liberty but no rights of marriage or property. As far as one can learn they are usually well dressed, well treated, and well fed. But not the so-called tree men of the West Coast. In the English colonies servants are paid a maximum of three shillings a day and must board themselves. They have to keep their white clothes spotlessly clean and themselves ready to do any kind of work for any number of hours a day.

It is difficult for an impartial observer in U.S. or Europe to reach firm conclusions regarding the calamitous Arab-Jewish conflict still raging in Palestine. The report of the Shaw commission in Great Britain put the immediate blame for the outbreaks upon the Arabs but absolved the Arab leaders as a body of deliberate incitement. It met the charge that the Palestine government was weak by pointing to "the difficulties inherent in the mandate." It cited as the underlying cause of the outbreaks the fear on the part of the Arabs that wholesale Jewish immigration and land purchase might create a situation in which the Arabs would be landless paupers under Jewish political domination.

The article reports on the prevented declaration of Haifa becoming an open city when the British Intelligence has reported of Archbishop Hakim visited Mufti for the open city declaration but turned out to be unsuccessful. Haifa has friendly relations in the areas of Palestine, however, disturbances were recorded because of the foreign Arabs penetration. In addition, it reveals of the Germans and Nazis presence in the truce terms. which contains foreign Arab fighters deportation from Haifa.