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This article reports that on September 28, 1973, seventeen days after the bloody coup that brought General Augusto Pinochet to power, two Chilean military officers approached the U.S. Embassy with a request, that the new regime required advisor assistance from a person qualified in establishing a detention center for detainees which they anticipate will be retained over a relatively long period of time. It was noted that detailing an American adviser to assist the protracted imprisonment of civilians, provides obvious political problems.

The article presents information about two books "Balance of Power: International Politics as the Ultimate Global Game" and Balance of Power: Geopolitics in the Nuclear Age," by Chris Crawford. The books were born of two aspects of the military industrial complex including nuclear strategy and the personal computer. Balance of Power, accompanied by a volume designed to perfect players' skill and inform them on the dynamics of the arms race, is hardly a typical game. This software comes with an endorsement from United States military strategists.

Discusses the efforts of Americans, Israelis, Syrians and Saudis to rejuvenate the Lebanese confessional system whereby political power is apportioned among the various religious communities. Political power of the minority Maronite community; Factors exerting political stress on the confessional system; Struggle to suppress secular trends in the Middle East.

In the first half of 1965 three events gave evidence of a dangerous new turn in American foreign policy. Common to all three moves is an open reliance on military force. It is no longer a simple question of whether military men are making decisions that they are not qualified to make, and are supposedly forbidden to make under the tradition of the United States Government. As the United States role in world affairs expanded rapidly after 1941, the U.S. State Department and the Foreign Service failed to expand correspondingly in power and influence. The basic reason was the involvement, when it came, was overwhelmingly military, but continuing hostility and suspicion in the U.S. Congress played its full part.

The article focuses on issues related to politics from the world. It is common offences to persist in assertions of innocence up to the moment of execution, in hopes thereby of obtaining a reprieve or some other modification of sentence. Admitting that the Democratic party is now in full possession of the government of the State of South Carolina, and that practically there is now no effective opposition by the Republican party, Governor Daniel H. Chamberlain adds: "It is a fact that there is now peace and good order throughout the State. So far, in the State at large, there have been no outrages of power or abuse of the colored people or Republicans generally," an admission, which should be somewhat comforting alike to Democratic and Republican critics of the President's policy. There is no doubt that the course of French President Marie Edme Patrice Maurice de MacMahon in dismissing the Ministry is something both serious and unfortunate, but it would be a great error to suppose that there are not two sides to the quarrel. Prime Minister Leon Gambetta has made an eloquent and exciting speech in support of the view that the President's course is an inexcusable outrage on the Assembly, and an act of hostility to parliamentary government in general.

The purge trial of fourteen former leaders of the Czech Communist Party, eleven of whom were Jews, took place in Prague and was conducted by the Czech government. The Soviets are not likely to indulge in anti-Semitism in this open form or permit official anti-Semitism to get out of bounds, but the use made of anti-Semitism in the Prague trial as a gambit in power politics shows a cynicism no less than that of czarist foreign policy. The Czech regime showed as little compunction about using anti-Semitism as an ingredient of foreign policy as did the Czar's foreign ministers.

The article focuses on several socio-political issues. Six months ago the press filled with gruesome stories of the massacre of Christians by Chinese, but now, Christian troops in China have surpassed the very Boxers rebellions in cruelty, in outrage, in rapine and ravage. Political economy has suffered much reproach for its figment, the economic man. To describe minutely how a perfectly selfish man would act was taken to mean that in that way all men ought to act. This supposed doctrine of the economists has, strangely enough, become the avowed principle of mighty nations.

Japanese policy has a resemblance to that of Britain before the latter in 1585 abandoned its attempts to dominate Europe and adopted the theory of Continental balance of power and an overseas empire. The opening of the Sino-Japanese conflict in 1937 marked Japan's first large-scale bid for world power. Far too little attention was paid to the purely military aspects of this campaign; if one had followed it more closely, some of the surprises which Japan had in store for one might not have been so shocking. The third phase of Japanese operations, that against the American-British-Dutch possessions, was a masterpiece of campaigning by air, sea, and land. Japan moved an estimated 300,000 combat troops formed into task forces over millions of square miles of land and sea, everywhere with complete success.

The article focuses on a situation of criticality that prevails between the two power blocs of the world as of June 1960, that can lead to World War III. Each of the embattled camps contains men and forces that are working for peace and also men and forces that mean war. But in the interaction of the two camps there is one terrible difference between the politics of warmakers and the politics of peacemakers: while the gains made by the warmakers within each loc tend to accumulate, this is not so much of a case with peacemakers.

Since October 4, 1957, when the space age began in earnest with the launching of the first sputnik, international politics have been marked by two contrasting tendencies one, the typical, frightening, noisy pattern of cold-war crises-Hungary, Berlin, Suez, Quernoy, Laos, the India-China border; the other a quieter, less publicized drawing together of the great powers to meet the challenge of man's new and limitless potentials. The recent Soviet closure of a portion of the Pacific for missile testing has forcibly reminded that there are space-age problems even in control of the high seas-the three-fourths of the globe which has served as man's high road for over two thousand years.

The article discusses the U.S. foreign policy towards China. No Chinese delegates will appear at Geneva Summit conference, but the presence of China will be felt because it is the forth superpower of the world and holds a hidden veto over any East-West "peace" negotiations. The U.S..S.R. demand that China will be admitted to the United Nations. The U.S. gives the military assistance to the Taiwan and Chiang-Kai-Shek, which is under Chinese empire. This policy is one of armed intervention in the internal affairs of China.

The article focuses on world politics. The Cincinnati Commercial, besides being an entertaining piece of personal gossip, is undoubtedly also a contribution to the usual work of preparing the public for his nomination, a kind of work, which is done for candidate after candidate with the most singular simplicity and earnestness. It is partly due also to the immense and rapid growth of the West during the last twenty years, a growth that has ended, as everybody now sees and acknowledges, in the departure of political power from the Eastern States. There is no question that the workingman's condition cannot and ought not to remain what it now is; that the traces of servitude, which ages of ignorance and oppression have left in it, must ere long be removed.

Throughout history there has been a great deal of self-inflicted pain and men have been almost as willing to torment themselves as one another. This lingered on in the shape of religious austerities, the Hindu expiating his sins by suspending himself in full view from an iron hook run through his flesh, processions of Christian penitents flogging themselves amid public admiration. The way in which a military state treated its enemies conditioned its treatment not only of its own soldiers but of the rest of its subjects. From earliest times, horrific acts perpetrated abroad and proclaimed at home would gain credit and renown for a ruler; but they would also serve notice on his people of what any malcontents among them might expect.

The fourth week of the Battle of the West Front finds Germany's opponents acutely aware of the sore trials which confront them. There is no tendency among statesmen or thoughtful observers to minimize the enemy's display of numerical power, his resourceful and determined leadership, or his actual achievements up to the present. In spite of the grave words uttered in the British House of Commons and the story revealed in the official war bulletins, it is recalled that the first few weeks of the war before the Marne, the weeks of Verdun, the Russian collapse in Galicia and the Italian disaster to recognize that there is not to-day the same sense of possible catastrophe.

The relationship between the United States and France was born with the country's independence. Both countries respect their tradition of cooperation and friendship. These bonds are even stronger today. The United States' immense economic power allows it to export American products throughout the world. The dark side of that shining coin is that the content of certain mass-produced works is banal. France is familiar with "Dallas" by also with John Ford and Martin Scorsese. The great writers of the United States are read there and the painters loved too.

The party coming into power in the U.S. is drafting plans for a tariff built to put up one more obstacle for a tottering Europe. The party going out of power celebrates peace by keeping Debs in prison and propaganding violently, with all its machinery, about red hobgoblins, a course of action which sooner or later, if continued, will bring results such as people are now seeing in France. At home is reaction, in greater intensity than several decades have seen. Abroad are confusion and distrust blocking the path. Disillusion, nevertheless, and disappointment, does not excuse discouragement. However evil the circumstances, the work of rebuilding must be carried along.

As long as the leading naval power of modern times has its home in the Atlantic, Asia Minor, must inevitably remain a position of commanding and decisive importance. A hostile power in Asia Minor always threatens Suez; without Suez England cannot command the Pacific, and without English supremacy in the Pacific, the U.S. standing there is at once jeopardized. The Baghdad railway is one form of the Asia Minor problem, and to any one familiar with the history of the Near East it is simply a catchword which suggests all the fundamental problems of the first world war; for in one connection or another it involves them all.

The article presents incidents related to the world politics. The French have taken deep offence at the assumption by the British of the protectorate of Zanzibar under the Anglo-German Treaty, because in 1862 a joint declaration was signed by the French and English Governments reciprocally guaranteeing the independence of the Sultan. Moreover, the final act of the Berlin Conference in 1885 obliged every European nation which meant to establish a protectorate over any portion of the African coast, to give notice to all the other Powers. Another one focuses on the incident in which General von Moltke has put on record his testimony against alcohol, which he says he never uses and thinks unnecessary, and he sets down as " one of the greatest enemies of Germany the misuse of alcohol "

It is unfortunate that at a moment when the European situation is so full of peril to peace the scandal of Serge Alexandre Stavisky has diverted public attention in France from international affairs and plunged the country into bitter internal strife. The present French internal situation is so much to the advantage of certain foreign powers that it would not be surprising if they had done something to foment the agitation. Those who are conducting the inquiry into the mysterious murder at Dijon, France, of Judge Albert Prince, an important witness in the Stavisky scandal, have probably not excluded the hypothesis of foreign agents.

The article focuses on the political conditions in the world during 1931. According to some news the second ministry headed by Ramsay McDonald In Great Britain is at end. Whether there will then be a general election, or the Tories will take hold, time will show. The recent speculation, action of the governors of Oklahoma and Texas in calling out the troops to curb the production of oil in their respective states represents simply an eleventh-hour move, under pressure of a demoralized market, to control a situation that should have been taken under governmental control years ago.

The most civilized nations are more fearful of one another than ever before, and each of the great peoples regards every other great people as more treacherous and cruel than Apache Indians. At a time when the regional tensions within nations like France, Great Britain, Germany, and Italy are weaker than ever before, when highways, railroads, schools, newspapers, and radio have made each of them one people as never before and the shadow of civil war seems to' have passed away forever, each nation goes in fear of other nations and suspects them of the most monstrous designs.

Austria has been making a nuisance of herself to the great powers on and off for more than two years. The new Austrian nationalism which is growing up under the wing of Heimwehrism and which is as intolerant of foreign comment as is the nationalism of any big Power, bitterly resents the attention paid to Austrian affairs in the foreign press. It complains that many worse things happen in Germany and elsewhere than in Austria but attract less notice. The chief reason why Austria is not allowed the privilege of having her revolution behind closed doors and shuttered windows lies in the threat to European peace inherent in any disturbance of her slender hold, financially, economically, politically, and militarily-on life.

The article discusses several issues related to politics from different countries of the world. What constitutes the gravity of the present Venezuelan crisis is not that the United States is issuing a commission of inquiry concerning matters of deep interest to it, but that it is issuing it as a hostile proceeding, with a threat of war behind it. What the United States is going to investigate, therefore, is not whether there is wrong on the British side, but what is the extent of the wrong. The first intimation one get of what was brewing was the announcement in U.S. President's message that Americans were opposed to "the forcible increase by any European power of its territory on this continent"; that Great Britain was actually guilty of this offence, as it was trying "to enlarge the area of British Guiana in derogation of the rights and against the will of Venezuela." This positive pronouncement on the merits of the controversy had several consequences.

The best one can say of the conference of the four Foreign Ministers of the great powers, which, ended in Paris yesterday is that it did not terminate in the undisguised debacle of the previous conference in London. But if open rupture was avoided, the spirit of disillusionment was scarcely concealed. During the past weeks the iron curtain has moved from Central Europe to the west, and the effect of holding the conference in Paris has been to admit the French — bewildered and hurt spectators of the private drama of the Big Three — into the baffled brotherhood of the non-Russian powers.

This article presents the author's views on the working of the governments of today's world. The author criticizes the governments by saying that they are busy in competition with one another and have local sovereignty which is not possible. The author says that a new League of Nations will emerge. It will have nothing in common with a global imperium or federation. Its organs will be without legislative power. Its members will seek to keep the peace through the collective coercion by all sovereignties of any sovereignty cannot take the power alone.

Pierre Laval is back in power as a result of a German ultimatum to Vichy. Nervous about the increasing pro-United Nations sentiment in France, fearing the effects of expanding British raids or even attempts to establish bridgeheads on the French coast, Adolfe Hitler has insisted on a 100 per cent pro-Nazi administration in Vichy. In this way he hopes to provide some security for his rear when he launches his spring campaign in the east. Probably also he is counting on getting the use of the French fleet, the potential menace of which has recently been multiplied by British necessities in the Indian Ocean.

The European crisis can be expected to continue for some years to come. Early this past spring, when the Marshall Plan began to assume definite form, certain foreign-affairs experts announced confidently that we had already won the Cold War. A few months later, the same people said that we were now "entering the phase of military war." These vacillations only show how far removed informed persons can be from understanding Europe's problems. Europe is suffering perhaps the severest crisis in its history, a crisis that is, in fact, a great process of transformation. As long as this process goes on, Europe will be extremely vulnerable to pressures from outside. At the same time, the world balance of power will remain critically unstable, for coming changes in Europe will inevitably exert a profound influence on the relations between the United States and the Soviet Union.

This article focuses on the five-star foreign policy of the United States. The demise of the department of state as the originator of the foreign policy of the United State might well be dated from May 26 of 1947. This was the day on which the U.S. President Harry S. Truman renewed his demand on congress for power to sell arms to the Latin American republics, to nineteen at the moment and later to twenty, when a deal can be worked out with dictator Juan Perón of Argentina. The Presidential message demonstrated that foreign policy is now and in the future will be the product not of the State Department alone but of a combination of the State, War, and Navy departments, a combination in which State is not necessarily the dominant factor.

The article presents the author's comments on the U.S.-Soviet Union relationship. The author considers Soviet domestic complications as "surprising" because there has been a tendency to view the Soviet Union as a monolithic system in which all power lies in the hands of a dictator and his clique. The author adds that neither Americans nor Russians are born believing that the other represents a threat. This is something that must be learned. And while the learning may be relatively easy, given the universal and eternal tendency toward ethnocentrism, it still must be helped along. This role is performed to a great extent by government, even in societies where the information media are essentially independent of governmental control.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles published in previous issues. Comment on the constitutional power of courts in the United States; Policy of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson on Mexico; Tribute to legislator Charles S. Peirce on his death.

This article focuses on china's international relations. The author says that in the challenge to the world constituted by its ten points China has done more than make a dramatic gesture. It has done more than win a diplomatic victory in obtaining the initiative. For the first time in its relations with the outer world it has rebelled against the role of patient in a charity clinic; it has cut clean to the heart of the business that brings the nations to Washington and made clear to them their choice. The ten principles China has laid down mean nothing as such. Most of them have been proclaimed repeatedly even by the Powers, including the worst aggressors.

The article presents the attitude of the Russian Soviet Government on the Washington Conference. The Soviet Union's government protests strongly against its exclusion from such a conference, which concerns the region directly and against any intention on the part of any power whatever to take decisions concerning the Pacific without the knowledge of the Soviet Union. The Soviet government declares that it will not recognize any decisions taken by the conference in question since the conference will meet without Soviet Union's participation. The Russian Government will exercise its liberty of action on all occasions and by all means that shall appear opportune.

The article describes about the American invasion on Haiti. The history of the American invasion of Haiti is only additional evidence that the United States is among those powers in whose international dealings democracy and freedom are mere words, and human lives negligible in face of racial snobbery, political chicane, and money. The five years of American occupation, from 1915 to 1920, have served as a commentary upon the white civilization which still burns black men and women at the stake.

The article focuses on the relations between the great powers of world during 1875. The great feature of the situation in Europe is the alliance of the three Emperors of Germany, of Austria, and of Russia, and there can be no doubt now that the principal objective of the alliance has been the solution of the Eastern question. It would be impossible to give the details of the agreement which has been made between Prussia, Austria, and Russia on the many questions connected with the settlement of the Eastern question. But it is impossible not to see that there is a plan.

The article presents information related to world politics. It states that the fall from power of General Mahfouz Naguib and General Adib Shishekly exposes the weakness of the so-called "strong-man" governments and the flimsiness of Western security based on arming Arab states. Like Naguib, Shishekly came to power by a military coup in 1951, the fourth since 1949. In this process two ruling heads were assassinated. He went through motions of acquiring the title of President by means of a so-called plebiscite in 1953. Then he also adopted titles of Prime Minister, Supreme Chief of the Army and Chief of the Defense Council and in addition helped to maintain himself in office by paying a stipend to various tribal chiefs. His overthrow, also by army coup, is part of a struggle which has as its objective, not reform, but power.

The visit of the Emperor of Russia to Paris, France, has a studied significance which cannot be denied. It is symbolic of the great change which has taken place in the galaxy of the European Powers. It is the affirmation of the evidence of a "Duplice" in opposition to the "Triplice." Those who witnessed the Russian fetes in Paris all agree in saying that there was felt in the presence of the Emperor of Russia more than an idle curiosity—a deep and real enthusiasm. The Emperor created, wherever he went, a very favorable impression. Full of reserve, speaking very little, he admired sufficiently, and did not admire too much.

The article attempts to explain the conflict in the Middle East. No situation today is more complex, none illustrates better the multiform tensions between the powers and the obstacles that block understanding. French-British rivalry forms the big-power background to all the unrest in the Levant and conditions every statement made by any official of either country. British-French rivalry and Arab nationalism are the main ingredients of the struggle for power that has, centered in Syria. They are not the only ones. Less visible but never to be ignored is the growing influence of Great Britain. Its interest in the Middle East is far more immediate than that of the U.S.

That the main issue in the Second World War is the destruction of dictator Adolf Hitler is an indisputable fact for every anti-fascist. As early as 1935 the author scandalized his pacifist associates by asking for international action against Hitler, even at the risk of war. In 1939 this was still the attitude of every anti-fascist who watched the development of the world situation. Neither the argument that it was an imperialist war nor the presence in the governments of the great powers, who had sold out Czechoslovakia and Spain, was enough to deflect one from his or her line. To destroy Hitler was the supreme duty of every anti-fascist. The movement of resistance has proved everywhere how hate for Hitler and for his invading armies has united the political adversaries of yesterday.

Field Marshal Phibun Songgram, the strong man of Siam and its wartime military dictator, is assiduously studying English. The flexible Marshal began to learn the language when he was imprisoned briefly as a war criminal, and he has continued to study it since he overthrew the Thamrong Mahajchariyawong government in November 1947. Some people in Bangkok, Thailand are speculating whether he will speak with a British or an American accent. On the surface Anglo-American relations in Siam are cordial. Members of the diplomatic and business communities of the two nations mix amiably in the pool and on the tennis courts of the Royal Bangkok Sports Club. But beneath the surface a struggle is going on for Siam's rich exports. In challenging Britain's monopoly of Siam's exports the United States has derived some advantage from its more lenient attitude toward Siam's participation in the war on the side of Japan.

There was a time when Italy expected to be drawn into the German constellation. But now, as Italy is quite determined to have her influence felt and as she can change her position very rapidly, she soon remembered that England could be no more satisfied than she was herself with the existence in the midst of Europe of a nucleus of political forces almost overwhelming in their united strength. It would be for the interest of France, without committing herself to any important course, to draw nearer to England and to Italy, since England and Italy are allied, by necessity.

The article focuses on the foreign affair and colonial troubles of the British government. A question is raised as whether a democratic country is unfit to have a foreign policy. It is a question that Englishmen have now been led to consider with more anxiety and less self-complacency by the ill luck which has attended them in almost every dealing they have had with foreign Powers since foreign affairs began to become an important part of their national action. As Parliament is not sitting, as few members of the Government have lately spoken in public, and as they are always obliged to maintain much reserve in discussing the behavior of foreign Powers, their defense has not been heard.

The word "Austria" has two meanings for the world at large. For 400 years it meant a great World Power. From 1526 until 1918 it stood for the mighty empire on the Danube which was built up by the German princely House of Hapsburg out of the German Alpine countries, the Lands of the Bohemian and of the Hungarian Crown; and for a time it included also northern Italy and a part of Poland. This great Power broke up in 1918 under the hammer-blows of the Allied armies. It was primarily owing to the impulse given by this party that on October 21 all German deputies of the old Austrian parliament assembled in Vienna and declared themselves to be a provisional representative body for the German parts of Austria.

The struggle for power between Europe and Asia, has been the most important issue in world politics ever since his time and is so still. Most modern Europeans, owing to inadequate knowledge of history, retard the supremacy of Europe as a law of nature, but in fact there has been a slow oscillation which is now beginning to swing in favor of Asia. The book "The Struggle for Power in Moslem Asia," by E. Alexander Powell is on the issue. In 1916 the British and French governments concluded what is known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement, partitioning among themselves the greater part of the Turkish Empire.

Discusses the influence of the U.S. on world politics as of March 21, 2005. Comments on the definition of a "superpower" in international relations; View that the power of the U.S. is failing due to damaging foreign policies; Impact of President George W. Bush's diplomatic travel in Europe on U.S. power; Potential for declining U.S. power to inspire opposition from an alliance of foreign powers.

It used to be that whenever peasants in some Central American country started shooting back at the generals, the State Department said that Fidel Castro was exporting revolution. Drug problems in South Florida? Castro was to blame. Unrest in Africa? Castro did it. Everything was blamed on Castro. Mud slides in California. The fact that one can't buy a decent tomato anymore. Was there an exceptionally high pollen count in Massapequa, Long Island, one day? It was Castro, exporting sneezes. All of this gave Castro the sort of exalted status. In those days, whenever his own people seemed in a rebellious mood over something like the shortage of consumer goods, Cubans, who have always been known as snappy dressers, hated standing in line to buy those clunky Czechoslovak shoes, Castro could distract them by saying that Americans had finally got so mad at him that they were going to invade.

The U.S. which helped bring Saddam Hussein and the right-wing Baathists to power in the first place, has always looked on Iraq as a blank sheet on which to scribble inane superpower slogans. This has made Washington, at different times, the enemy, the uncertain ally and the false friend of those who seek the removal of Mesopotamia's mustachioed ruler. One of defendants, a veteran anti-Saddam oppositionist named Hashim Qadir Hawlery was aggressively cross-examined about his membership in a secret Middle Eastern group named KLM.

A cartoon is presented depicting the growing power of dictatorship in the world politics.

The article focuses on the interview given by L.M. Karakhan, the Russian Plenipotentiary Envoy to China, to the Russian, Chinese, and Japanese press. He said that if in Europe, after the defeat of Germany and the humiliation of the German people which he see at present, the danger of a new general battle of European nations is postponed for some time, on the Pacific he see quite a different picture. He said that "Our interests lie not in participating in the solution of the Pacific problems by those methods which are natural for the imperialistic countries, but we must have sufficient force to protect ourselves from entanglement in this struggle."