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This article presents information regarding the presents of Mike Miller of Mike Miller Toyota, a major advertiser in the "Los Angeles Times", and Bob Zacky of the Zacky Farms chicken dynasty. Zacky of the Zacky Farms chicken dynasty. Many interpreted their presence in the Times's box as a form of corporate apology for the paper's aggressive reporting, which had allegedly upset both men recently. But even today, the Times remains a house of many mansions. Steve Wasserman runs a remarkably literate weekly book review section, for example, whose uncompromising ethos would seem to contradict everything that is said about the paper. It is a paper, in other words, with a lot of decline left in it, even though the Willes/Downing forces appear almost certain to prevail in the end.

This article presents information on activities related to preelection initiatives in the U.S. Like businesswoman Dorothy Thompson who faces the loss of a lucrative radio contract because of her preelection attacks on the "fear" campaign waged by advertising agencies. Without naming names, she revealed the threat at a luncheon of the movie division of the Democratic National Committee. And the Scripps-Howard artist, Talburt, who drew a cartoon showing F. D. R trying unsuccessfully to slide into third base; it was captioned, "Out at Third." As returns came in on election night, Roy Howard decided not to take any chances with slow-witted subordinates and solemnly wired all member papers of the chain to omit the cartoon.

The article discusses about the fight of British government to broadcast television commercials in Great Britain. A number of prominent conservatives are opposed to commercial TV, but the leaders have decided to make it a matter of party policy. The government proposes to set up a public-utility corporation to build transmitters which will be leased to station-operating companies. These companies will produce programs and sell time to advertisers. At the best, commercial TV will not be in effective operation until 1955. Commercial broadcasters in the U.S. may regard this British development as a victory for their system, but actually Great Britain has emphatically rejected the American form of broadcasting.

As the Republican headquarters in the Fairmont Hotel began to take shape, it looked at first as though that was the way it was going to be--television cables all over the lobby, Pepsicola girls in bottle-top bathing suits, stunts and flashlight bulbs going off in all directions. The author feels that this convention was not just the combined brains of the best advertising agencies of the United States. It was a reflection of something all these people believe as a patent fact. As far as this Administration is concerned, the business community does not manipulate the government, it is the government.

One of the most significant and quietly sensational stories of the year has remained relatively inconspicuous in pages of American newspapers. The reason is, the story was a lawsuit against an important advertising agency. In telling about a murder, adultery, drunken misbehavior, tax evasion, American newspapers seldom identify the criminal as an employee of any large corporate advertiser, department store, chain store or most particularly, any advertising agency. The lawsuit that the press ignored revolved around the advertising account of American Airlines Inc., which rose rapidly from a trifling $7,000 in 1938 to over $4,000,000 last year.

The article discusses the libel case of John Henry Faulk against Vincent W. Hartnett, Laurence E. Johnson and Aware Inc. Faulk had been branded as a communist and so his life is ruined. Hartnett earned profits for supplying the names of communists to his clients. Hartnett coerced performers into expressing opinion they hated. During his trial, Hartnett confessed to his alliance with Johnson who could threaten any reluctant advertiser with the hostility of the retail grocer's association. The article also discusses the vengeful destruction of Faulk by Hartnett.

The article presents information on the manner in which the advertising agency, Lord and Thomas, caused the people of the state of California to repeal a chain-store tax. It is an object lesson to all political-minded people and ought to be read carefully, by naive radicals. Right now there is a pest of little bills running through legislatures of the country taxing the chain stores. The state of California passed a bill providing for such a tax. The bill was known as "22." The tax was insignificant for a single store under one ownership, but it rose as high as $500 a store for chain-store systems. Behind this bill were 80,000 independent dealers, highly organized. A thousand anti-chain people marched on Sacramento to encourage the Governor to sign it. He dared not veto the bill, but he remarked that it could be repealed by referendum if the people of the state wished.

Bruce Barton is chairman of the board of the sixth largest advertising agency in the U.S. The names of its clients thunder down the world of business, United States Steel, du Pont, Chase National Bank, General Foods--two hundred of them. But Barton has another group of clients whose voice sounds small in the world of business, the people who sent him to the U.S. Congress from the Seventeenth District of the city of New York and who are being asked to send him again. Though Barton's talk is sometimes cynical, business really has for him a kind of mystic quality.

The article presents information on false advertising carried out in the U.S. Advertising industry. The author feels that it is not surprising to find the main spokesman of the society, the advertising business, phony. Industrypeople cannot see themselves as phony. The news of recent anti false-advertising accusations are looked with confusion and dismay by the industry. They argue that one have to be phony to sell stuff people don't need. Nevertheless a number of people, including Earl Kintner, chairman of the U.S. Federal Trade Commission, have been attacking the economy's false advertising.

This article focuses on a political advertisement criticizing the U.S. government sugar policy. Since the passage of the Jones Costigan Sugar Control Act in the U.S., the primary purpose of this advertisement has been the defeat of the Hawaiian sugar quota by attempting to convince the American public and incidentally the U.S. Supreme Court that Hawaii is an integral part of the U.S. and therefore entitled to quota parity with American continental producers. The literary and journalistic professionals ranging from Irvin S. Cobb, Vicki Baum and Anita Loos in the higher-income brackets to mere contributors to the liberal journals in the lower has been most persistently wooed because, as every advertising man knows, a stable of established writers provides an excellent entrée to editorial columns.

Presents several letters to the editor. Description of a trial case involving the publication "Newark Advertiser"; Description of the peace movement in Germany; Purpose of the peace movement in Germany.

Presents several letters to the editor, related to socio-economic conditions of the U.S. Impact of adding trading stamps on the cost of food distribution; Methods suggested by the government of California, to conserve the oil resources of the state; Ways, by which several advertising agencies of the U.S., can increase their profits.