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This article reports on the fight going on inside the "Washington Times" in efforts to bring the publication more inline with mainstream media. The Times has been an extension of the conservative agenda since its founding in 1982 by the Reverend Sun Myung Moon. Moon's son, Preston, is looking for an editor who will temper the right-wing ideas, especially in light of the racist and sexist atmosphere that has been stoked by editor in chief Wesley Pruden and managing editor Francis Coombs.

Focuses on the plight of daily journalism in Jacksonville, Mississippi. Influence of Hederman family, which owns leading newspapers of the city, on mass media in the city; Propagation of racism and fundamentalism in newspapers owned by the family; Need for a strong editorial voice to improve the conditions of the city; Role of television in improving the condition of mass media in the city.

When the FBI arrested a bumbling group of Nazi saboteurs put ashore by submarine during World War II, Hoover skillfully managed to take all the credit, even though it was the Coast Guard that had first spotted the men, and one of the saboteurs had lost his nerve, gone to the FBI, and confessed. COLUMNS JEDGAR HOOVER, WE'VE ALWAYS ASSUMED, BECAME THE most powerful unelected American of his time because he had the goods on everybody: the mistresses, financial shenanigans, and underworld connections of presidents who might fire him and legislators who might investigate him. Michaux returned for a second meeting with Hoover some two weeks later, where it was agreed that he would "issue to the wire services a public letter which he would write to King…and state that the Director and the FBI have been extremely effective in the Civil Rights Movement. But commanding the FBI, molding its agents into his version of holy warriors, and demonizing as un-American Martin Luther King, student radicals, Communist Party members, and Black Americans all turned Hoover into the ultimate insider. [Extracted from the article]

The article critically appraises the book "Nitty Gritty: A White Editor in Black Journalism," by Ben Burns. Nitty Gritty is an invaluable memoir from a unique source. There were white journalists in a black press in the forties and fifties where Burns worked but no one had wider experience or rose to prominence at high variety of publications. Burns has fond memories of the black journalists he worked with, although some were initially uncomfortable if not hostile, and he finally had to concede that at some level the racial barrier was impassable.

Baker loved France, and France loved her. "African Americans have been celebrated in France both as a way to oppose the American societal model by showing French color-blindness as inclusive and as an effort not to address the colonial history of France and its legacies", said Sarah Mazouz, a sociologist at the French National Center for Scientific Research and the coauthor of For Intersectionality. In James Baldwin's essay "Alas, Poor Richard" - one of many oedipal swipes he leveled at Wright, his former mentor and friend - he wrote, "Richard was able, at last, to live in Paris exactly as he would have lived, had he been a white man, here, in America. FEATURES AS A STUDENT IN PARIS IN THE FALL OF 1990, MY LODGINGS were the envy of my peers - even if the means by which I came about them were not. [Extracted from the article]

The article looks at violence against black men in the U.S. by citizens acting in a vigilante manner as well as by police officers, as of March 2014. The author cites recent incidents including the killing of Jordan Davis in Florida and of Garrick Hopkins in West Virginia and the wounding of Darrin Manning in Pennsylvania, saying they show a pattern in which black people's lives are not valued. Topics include court verdicts in such cases, stand-your-ground laws, and the history of racism.

While the culture wars have plagued us for the past 30 years, the particular bitterness of this iteration began only last September with former president Donald Trump's now-rescinded executive order banning critical race theory and diversity training in all federal programs. He'd point out how disabling racially restrictive covenants were, not just as a topic for a separate course on "race law" but as integral to the power relations within foundational courses like property law. Christopher Rufo, a senior analyst at the Manhattan Institute, is widely credited with being the ideological picador behind Trump's executive order. FEATURES AN AFRICAN AMERICAN FRIEND DESCRIBES THE FOLLOWING SCE-nario: "My son L. was invited to a neighbor's seventh birthday party. [Extracted from the article]

Merrill Lynch broker Anthony H. Hoskins said he was told in the early 1990s that he didn't "fit the typical Merrill Lynch broker profile" and "wasn't what Merrill Lynch was looking for." CAPEL AND THE OTHER PLAINTIFFS in McReynolds v. Merrill Lynch wound up settling in 2013, with Merrill paying $160 million to end the litigation. FEATURES AT 3:30 AM ON A WARM FALL MORNING IN 2009, GLENN D. CAPEL, a stockbroker at Merrill Lynch, was speeding down the Interstate in his Lexus LS 400 from his home in Greensboro, N.C., toward Candor, 75 miles away. With the firing of Capel, a onetime star broker who boasted two master's degrees and a pristine regulatory record with no customer complaints, Merrill's already meager tally of Black brokers was further reduced. [Extracted from the article]

There are things that are not part of apartheid's theoretical scheme--they are even frowned on now as negating the government's determination to give, through propaganda, a "correct" impression of the country; yet they are the soil in which human relationships must germinate. They are the Id of the Ego called Separate Development--apartheid. And that is part of special blindness: that whites are already so divorced from contact with other colors who share the country that they can see only apartheid's superego, where it is philosophy and dialectic, and is called separate freedoms.

The article discusses the mainstream U.S. media's normalizing what the author considers the extraordinarily poor rhetoric and abnormal behavior of President Donald Trump. The newspaper "The New York Times" editor Dean Baquet's headline, including the author's belief that it did not sufficiently highlight Trump's putative racism, is discussed.

FEATURES A FEW MONTHS BACK, I WAS PULLED OVER BY A MASSACHUSETTS state trooper on a Saturday night as I turned off the highway to get gas. When police officers pull over a car, they are supposed to allow the driver to go on their way as soon as they are able to verify that the driver can operate the vehicle (and, all too often, as soon as the police give a ticket). But police are also allowed to ask off-topic questions to probe for potential criminal activity or ask the driver to get out of their car and wait in the patrol car while they run criminal records, all in the context of a simple traffic violation. An argument can be made that, in the context of police violence and alongside the fact that police are not always required to let individuals know they have the right to refuse a search, many consent searches are not truly free of coercion and thus are not constitutional. [Extracted from the article]

FEATURES A FEW MONTHS BACK, I WAS PULLED OVER BY A MASSACHUSETTS state trooper on a Saturday night as I turned off the highway to get gas. When police officers pull over a car, they are supposed to allow the driver to go on their way as soon as they are able to verify that the driver can operate the vehicle (and, all too often, as soon as the police give a ticket). But police are also allowed to ask off-topic questions to probe for potential criminal activity or ask the driver to get out of their car and wait in the patrol car while they run criminal records, all in the context of a simple traffic violation. An argument can be made that, in the context of police violence and alongside the fact that police are not always required to let individuals know they have the right to refuse a search, many consent searches are not truly free of coercion and thus are not constitutional. [Extracted from the article]

Presents several letters to the editor. Information about civil rights laws in the U.S.; Controversial views about race in the U.S.; Information about nonprofit healthcare providers.

The article discusses about the trial of La Migra, who is accused of a pattern of discrimination and racial harassment, physical and verbal abuse of workers, entering workplaces without proper warrants and seizing people without reasonable cause for suspicion. The trial began in January and is expected to last through the summer. On the surface it is a straightforward battle over violations of the Fourth and Fifth Amendments by a rogue agency of the Federal government. The plaintiffs are asking the court to make permanent a 1986 injunction barring the U.S. Immigration & Naturalization Service from discriminatory enforcement practices and illegal searches and seizures.

The article discusses the controversy surrounding the 20th century U.S. mural titled "Life of Washington," by Victor Arnautoff at George Washington High School in San Francisco, California, within the context of the American collective memory of historic racism, slavery and U.S. President George Washington. 1960s-era High school students' resentment of the depiction of African Americans in the aforementioned mural from a colonial perspective is discussed.

The article discusses political aspects of motherhood for black mothers in the U.S. in relation to racism. Topics include the roles of black fathers in families, criticisms of black families in relation to marriage promotion and poverty, and psychological and emotional aspects of motherhood for black mothers.

The article examines the politicized racism of U.S. President Donald Trump. It discusses the racial implications of Trump's efforts to negate the legitimacy and legacy of Barack Obama, the first African-American president of the country, as well as differences in their attitudes. It describes the impact of Trump's racism on African Americans, Latino immigrants and refugees. It also criticizes the ideal of universal equality among nations held up by U.S.-led internationalism.

The article discusses how racism, segregation, and inequality still persist in Selma, Alabama in 2015, and it mentions the fiftieth anniversary of the "Bloody Sunday" event in 1965 when 600 voting-rights marchers were beaten by Alabama state troopers. The motion picture "Selma" is mentioned, along with the U.S. Voting Rights Act and racial disparities in Selma, Alabama. The U.S. Congress and the political power of black people in the country are examined.

The article presents information on racist nationalism. Europe is cemented by a common language and culture, stands in pleasing contrast to what is going on in the Balkans, where scenes in Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia evoke some of the nastiest chapters of racist nationalism in the twentieth century. The Slovenes themselves have made haste, amid celebrations of newfound nationhood, to declare an amnesty for collaborators with the Axis powers. A few hundred miles north the Slovakians are dusting off their own proud heritage. It's enough to make one yearn for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which did impose upon large portions of Middle Europe some kind of transnational respect for minorities, as did the Communists in the postwar period now concluded.

This article focuses on the prevalence of racism in South Africa during 1951. While South African Parliament was in session, the Dutch Reformed churches dogmatized that the right to vote was a privilege given by God and could be rightly exercised only by civilized Christians. The definition cut out all persons of African race and all colored persons. One law disfranchised the million-strong minority of mixed or colored race, though they have a considerable common ancestry with the white Afrikaners. A striking feature of the opposition to the colored-disfranchisement bill was a nation-wide outburst of demonstrations led by white veterans of the Second World War.

The author tells the stories of immigrant workers taking part in the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR) of 2003, and explains what the organizers of the IWFR hope to achieve. The IWFR's ambitious five-point agenda reflects the demands of a diverse immigrant constituency: a new legalization process for undocumented workers, an accessible path to citizenship, a commitment to family reunification for immigrants waiting for relatives abroad, extension of labor protections to all workers and strengthening of civil rights and liberties to insure equal treatment of immigrants. For two weeks, buses from ten cities hit the road, bound for Washington, DC, then a rally in Flushing Meadows, Queens, on October 4, where the crowd surged to 100,000, according to organizers. It's easy to become preoccupied with isolated flash points, harder to grapple with the insidious structures of racism that mold so much of the daily experience of immigrants and African-Americans. The vast diversity of today's immigrants further complicates the picture. The IWRF is a complex call for a new civil rights charter that includes the foreign-born. Employers are often the frontline enemy in this racialized reality. In the 1960s, and throughout US history, employers have used racial and ethnic differences to divide workers and weaken their organizing. In recent years, the arsenal available to employers aiming to exploit divisions among workers has been expanding. Under the Patriot Act the riders -- regardless of their place of birth or immigration status -- could have been detained if the government had somehow deemed their mission subversive. At the core of the IWFR is an evolving and sometimes rocky relationship between organized labor and the broader immigrant rights community, which have strong common interests but also some different priorities.

The article focuses on various developments around the world during 2000. First article focuses on racism among black and white people. In a case, police officers who shot Amadou Diallo, an unarmed West African immigrant, came as a profound shock to many. Another article focuses on wedge politics. Republicans practiced wedge politics, trying to separate voters from the Democratic Party by pushing divisive social issues. The Grand Old Party has been a party of special interests for decades. And it was the Ronald Reagan Administration that reversed an eleven-year-old policy denying tax-exempt status to the racist.

This article presents information about the book "Deep Background," by David Corn. In this book Corn captures well the personal side of Washington playmaking, at least what one assume are some of its components: cynicism within that matches public cynicism without, but some idealism, too. Intramural rivalries between close-knit teams within a bureaucracy. Racism revealed in small linguistic tics rather than large, overt acts. Love or incipient love, or perhaps not love but sufficient-to-the-moment contacts.

Pat Buchanan, the man who urged Ronald Reagan to visit the Nazi cemetery at Bitburg, is no stranger to charges of anti-Semitism. Ever since that fateful day eight years ago when it first occurred to Buchanan that he could move up from sycophant to a lead role in the Oval Office follies, the former "Crossfire" commentator has dreamed of storming the White House as commander in chief of a Buchanan Brigade made up of people who look and think pretty much as he does. The problem is that while the GOP's big tent makes ample room for reactionaries, there have never been enough Pat clones under the canvas.

The article presents information about various political developments taking place in the United States. Abusive policing remains the nation's most visible civil rights crisis. Two articles in this issue, by actor Alton Fitzgerald White of Broadway's "Ragtime" and David Cole, expose how police racism is countenanced in the court system and in the precinct house. On September 19, 1999, as the UN peacekeeping force was deploying in the ashes of Dili, Nation's correspondent Allan Nairn was deported from West Timor to Singapore.

No wonder that the Muslims of the world think people are self-centered, self-righteous racists. The minarets are gone, the mosques have been profaned and dynamited, and now all the bridges are down. Some of these treasures ranked with those of Venice and Istanbul as cultural heritage. Many of them were even more beautiful than the World Trade Center. And, of course, there is something about a bridge. All bridges have to be symmetrical, and are to that extent graceful by nature. All bridges are dialectical, in that there's no such thing as a one-sided bridge or a one-way arch.

Last year's celebration of the 50th anniversary of Jackie Robinson's breaking the color line in major league baseball was one of the most pronounced and prolonged ever held in the history of the Republic in memory of a black man or of an athlete. Robinson was the man white society could not defeat in the short term, though his untimely death at age 53 convinced many that the stress of the battle defeated him in the long run. In this respect, Robinson did become something of an uneasy elegiac symbol of race relations, satisfying everyone's psychic needs.

The article presents information on the book "Official Negligence: How Rodney King and the Riots Changed Los Angles and LAPD," by Lou Cannon. In the conventional version of the story, the beating of Rodney King by a group of white Los Angeles cops in the early hours of March 3, 1991, recorded in all its viciousness on an amateur's fortuitous videotape, was yet another indication of the pervasive brutality and racism of an out-of-control police department. In light of Cannon's revisionist account, if the Rodney King story is not the simple tale of the televised tape, neither is it a unique drama coupling, almost fortuitously, a collection of badly trained cops, bungling judges and politicians guilty of inexcusable neglect and indifference.

This article presents the United States president Bill Clinton's concerns for, and responses to, the racial divide in the country. The President is capable of lofty rhetoric; but as often, his oratory is likely to soar higher than his commitment. In fact, Clinton has been slow to appoint federal judges and reluctant to name those who might be branded as liberal. He has even dropped his modest call for rebuilding public schools. If Clinton wants to do something meaningful, there are plenty of subjects he could address. For instance, he could look into the relations between metropolitan police forces and minority populations.

This article focuses on racism in the United States. The acquittal of the black American O.J. Simpson has underscored, the chasm that separates black and white Americans. With nationalist sentiment on the rise in the black community, a conservative politics indifferent to racial inequality ascendant among whites and many on the left entranced by their own group causes, the ideal of an integrated society seems more remote than ever. America's residential apartheid results from a long history of government policy, individual choices and the inequitable operation of a putatively free market.

For the past two years the author have been suggesting that racism is a permanent condition in the U.S. The author have argued that American racism is not, as Gunnar Myrdal concluded in his massive book "An American Dilemma," an anomaly on the democratic landscape, a holdover from slavery that the U.S. both wants to cure and is capable of curing. Rather, the author agrees with Jennifer Hochschild's book "The New American Dilemma" that racism is a critically important stabilizing factor that enables whites to bond across a wide socioeconomic chasm.

This article comments on the book "On the Edge: A History of Poor Black Children and Their American Dreams," by Carl Husemoller Nightingale. This book by Nightingale focuses on black-on- black violence, urban culture and future of inner-cities with specific reference to the black youth in Philadelphia. Nightingale challenges the new common wisdom that inner-city communities have become isolated from "mainstream" culture and thus have adopted values and beliefs completely foreign to most "Americans." The combination of racism, poverty and consumerism has created feelings of humiliation, pain and frustration in inner-city black youths, particularly in males, who then turn to violence and aggressive behavior to compensate emotionally.

Actress Billie Elliott wants to get a spot on Oprah. The way she looks at it, that's how she'll reach the kind of people who need to hear her story most: people like her who lost their jobs not because they didn't do them right but because of somebody else's bigotry. Elliott's story is about battling corporate racism in the U.S. and she wants a chance to tell it to the 15 million others who watch Oprah too. Billie wants to get on Oprah and tell people how she and her husband fought back against Captain D's parent company, Shoney's Inc., one of the largest family restaurant chains in the country, with its 1,800 stores in thirty-six states and its billion-and-a-half-dollar-a-year business.

The article presents information on poverty in the U.S. The term "feminization of poverty" which was devised to describe the significant numbers of women and children living in poverty, is a distortion that negates the role played by racial barriers to black employment, particularly among males. The feminization of poverty is real, but the racialization of poverty is at its heart. Currently, the most critical problem relating to the plight of black unwed mothers is the massive unemployment of the males who would otherwise be potential mates for them.

Presents several editorials which discuss different subjects. Comments on U.S. President Ronald Reagan's efforts to create a freelance economy, a society of temporary workers, nonunion labor, and voluntary help for a few managers and executives; Issues concerning racism in the U.S.

Presents several editorials which discuss different subjects. "Still a Secret," which discussed the absence of commitment from the U.S. government on waste recycling; "Border Industries," which discussed the advantages and disadvantages of the Border Industrialization Program; "Seeing Africa Plain," which discussed the intensification of the efforts of the People's Liberation Army of Namibia and other groups in Southern Africa to fight racism and regain control of their homeland; "On Redlining," which criticized redlining practices of banks and savings institutions against inner city residents; "Will Nixon Exonerate Hiss?" which discussed the effects on the Watergate scandal and U.S. President Richard Nixon's disgrace on the reputation of lawyer Alger Hiss.

The article discusses news developments from around America. Statesman Will O. Walton of the Alabama state senate has offered an amendment to the state constitution which would bar from voting, holding office, or serving on juries any person who advocates abolition of racial segregation. The legal basis for the bar would be to classify such persons as "moral degenerates;" Bright post-war prospects for air transport are attracting "outsiders," to the disgust of the established air lines. These applications have been described as a menace to the industry and an attempt to "create monopolies of the worst type."

The article presents a bibliography of books. The list of books includes "The FBI Nobody Knows," by Fred J. Cook. Its one of the long look at the Bureau and its director which is requited reading for anyone who might someday fall under its scrutiny, an audience which includes everyone in the Democracy. "Congressman From Mississippi," by Frank E. Smith. It is an autobiography, political and otherwise, of a man who spent twelve years as a Congressman from Mississippi, trying to make a political career without pondering to racism, and failing.

This article focuses on racism and other domestic issues in the U.S. Recently Joseph L. Alioto, mayor of San Francisco, was forced to concede that the city was not simply not making the advances towards the improvements of police-community relations. It was the force itself, not the city, which turned against the community relations unit. Now the force and the community relations unit are sharply divided. Black and white officers are in open conflict, notably over the handling of those arrested. The Society for Social Responsibility in Science has financed a two-week tour of South Vietnam by E.W. Pfeiffer, researcher at the University of Montana and G.H. Orians, researcher at the University of Washington. The mission was to investigate the highly controversial subject of the effects of defoliation by the U.S. military.

This article analyzes results of elections in the United States. In the welter of post-election statistics and analyses, it is clear that racism won the ballot of a majority of white voters. The hope that a nascent two-party system would provide African Americans and white progressives with an alternative to habitual Democratic recidivism died in the polling booths. The elections underscored the limitations on the Southern African-American vote, which generally found itself forced to choose between the lesser of two consecutive evils if it wanted to count at all.

This article describes the role of The U.S.-based organization Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in maintaining peace in cities-Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Atlanta, Georgia that have a substantial African-American population. Recent events in the two cities warn that SNCC has become the target of opportunity for attack that claims to be motivated by patriotism and fear of racial strife. More often it satisfies a growing Yahoo-ism over the Vietnamese War in a climate of repression created by the reactionary racial mood of many whites and its cautionary (scared) counterpart in some African-Americans.

By Declaration of Independence, it was stated that all men are created equal. Neither the U.S. Constitution nor the Bill of Rights mentions the word equal or equality and in that instance it was for the purpose of effecting inequality of persons. The Bill of Rights has been part of the American Constitution now for 175 years. It took almost a century and a half for the Supreme Court to recognize its existence. In the other areas of American liberties, freedom of nonpolitical expression, justice to persons accused of crimes and the achievement of equality for the Negro and other racial minorities, it has in the last quarter century discharged faithfully and effectively the responsibilities imposed upon it by the generation that adopted the Bill of Rights.

Although Southern Rhodesia suddenly leaped onto the front pages of the world press only last month, the tragic racial drama there has been unfolding steadily for nearly eight years. Journalists, who visited Southern Rhodesia in that period, and particularly since 1962, have warned sternly that another South Africa in terms of racial patterns, or another Congo in terms of racial conflicts, was in the making. Their warnings reinforced by the protests from delegations sent by Rhodesian Africans to every United Nations session since 1960, were unheeded in the international community and in Great Britain.

Kentucky's Braden Case is considerably more complex than it has seemed to some impassioned writers on the subject; for that reason it is perhaps even more relevant to the basic problems of civil liberties in the U.S. The Bradens are difficult, dedicated, and argumentative people, with a compulsion to lofty causes generally of a left-wing coloration and particularly to the cause of racial equality. A labor reporter for the Louisville "Times," the "Courier's" afternoon edition; he had left in 1948, later to become involved on the left-wing side in the battle with the C.I.O.

In an early issue, editors of the periodical "The Nation" hoped to describe in some detail the ugly witch hunt, with unmistakable overtones of anti-Semitism, that is currently holding the spotlight in Miami. Under the firm impression, apparently, that the Soviets are likely to seize the Naval Air Station of Opa-locka almost any weekend, the "Miami Daily News" has been featuring a series of artides by journalist Damon Runyon Jr. about local red activities, based on the revelations of one Al Spears, who is billed as an undercover man for the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Discusses the impact of industrial pressure on racism in South Africa. Features of strikes in South Africa that drew attention to racism in the country; Impact of these strikes on the country; Economic conditions in South Africa.

Reports on desegregation of black students in public schools in Providence, Rhode Island. Resistance faced by the desegregation policy from the public; Information on two basic distinctions on which the desegregation policy of the U.S. President Richard Nixon rested; Racial confrontations among black and white students at high schools in Providence.

Interviews author M.L. Rosenthal on American literature. Developments made in American literature; Approach of authors in solving problems related to racism or those raised by the war in Vietnam.

The article uses the book "The Soul of Black Folk" by W.E.B. Du Bois as an example of how African Americans feel, and to point out the significance of politician Barack Obama being elected the first African-American U.S. president. The author discusses leadership and power, and that Obama's victory means that African-Americans and all citizens will be sharing that power. The article emphasizes that Obama's election does not end racism, but offers multiracial and intergenerational inclusion.