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In late nineteenth-century USA, technological developments in paper production—a shift from a reliance on scarce cotton rag to plentiful wood—drastically reduced the price of newsprint. That decline helped overturn the reigning economics of the daily newspaper and resulted in the rise of new cheap papers with vastly expanded circulation. This novel mass press encompassed almost all Americans in the public sphere as represented by its pages. Focusing on newspapers in Detroit, this study examines the manifold consequences this shift had for the press's economics, its news agenda, and the implicit identity of the audience it addressed. The rise of a mass press in the late nineteenth century, however, was not specific to Detroit or the USA. As comparative historians have highlighted, the emergence of a mass press in Europe and elsewhere was a turning point that deeply marked the historical evolution of press systems around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early twentieth century, American newspapers enjoyed high circulations while presenting readers with diverse and plentiful content. After 1920, radio broadcasting made even more information available for public consumption, giving audience members an abundant range of media choices. During a time of plenty for readers and listeners, companies in the business of media struggled with the opposite problem: scarcity. As the amount of media content proliferated, the practical ability to disseminate it was determined by the access to scarce resources, and this was true for both radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing. In many respects, the history of the American mass media in the early twentieth century might best be told as a tale of two scarcities, one—the electromagnetic spectrum—defined by absolute limits and the other—the newsprint—defined by access to markets for a particular material, the supply of which often fluctuated in availability and price. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

Although editorial cartoons occupy an integral place on the editorial pages of most newspapers, they have seldom been a topic of research, especially First Nations cartoons. Editorial cartoons offer readers clarity and humour and quickly present a point of view. Everett Soop, of the Blackfoot First Nation and contributor to the Kanai News, fits the description of Trickster through his often ironic and satirical politically charged editorial cartoons. This paper provides an introduction to issues surrounding Indigenous/Mainstream relations in Canada during 1969-70 by unpacking several of Soop's editorial cartoons. During this period in Canadian history Trudeau's Liberal government produced an assimilationist policy document levelled at Canada's First Nations and titled the White Paper, which sparked a united voice of resistance among Canada's Indigenous peoples and eventually led to the withdrawal of the proposed changes to the Indian Act. Everett Soop's cartoons from this period provide a discerning analysis of this affair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the British Labour Party's leadership opposed and then reluctantly welcomed the takeover in 1984 of the "Daily Mirror" newspaper and its sister papers by Robert Maxwell. It considers the significance of this decision by detailing the history of the Mirror's ownership and the particular importance of the paper not having a single proprietor for 50 years. It briefly outlines the position of Neil Kinnock and Labour on journalistic autonomy in the press prior to the Maxwell takeover. By outlining evidence from Neil Kinnock's private papers, it details the secret negotiations held between Kinnock and the Mirror staff in their bid to oppose Maxwell. It also considers how Maxwell intervened and why Kinnock had limited choice but to welcome this "monster," in order to maintain newspaper support for the Labour Party.

Media history is still written largely from national perspectives so that the role of import and export, translations and franchises is seldom foregrounded. On geographically and linguistically limited markets, imported materials have nevertheless been crucial parts of popular print culture. This paper explores the market of 'sex edutainment' magazines in 1970s Finland, zooming specifically in on Leikki ('Play', 1976), a sex magazine for women translated from the Norwegian Lek (first launched in 1971) that provided knowledge on topics ranging from marriage to masturbation and lesbian desire. Through contextual analysis of Leikki, a marginal publication that has basically faded from popular memory, this article attends to ephemeral and even failed print media in order to account for the heterogeneity of the 1970s sex press market as it intermeshed with sex advice and education. In so doing, it adds new perspectives to a field largely focused on successful periodicals and addresses knowledge gaps resulting from the exclusion of the sex press from mainstream media historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the extensive ‘reader competitions’ run in popular magazines and story papers of the early twentieth century. Using examples from Irish story papers, it examines the appeal of these competitions to both the publishers and the readers. For readers, competitions offered an opportunity to display skills which combined the results of universal education with the more playful knowledge that was part of popular parlour games and other leisure activities of the time. They also offered readers an opportunity to ‘write back’ to the mass media, with indications of an extremely high level of interactivity between readers and editors, including reader suggestions for competition ideas, and disputes regarding the rules and judging of contests. The article goes on to argue that these competitions were themselves significant examples of mass media structures of the time, relying as they did on the specific forms of print culture and upon mechanisms of industrial time and communication processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Points out that 'The Black Panther' newspaper, born in the tumult of the 1960s black power movement, refuses to die. Official closure in the early 1980s; Efforts to bring it back to life; Purposes of the resurrection of 'The Black Panther' newspaper; Blank Panther's emphasis on public communication; Modern black nationalism.

As the formal Anglo-Irish union ended, Tim Healy, Irish nationalist politician turned Free State Governor-General, and Lord Beaverbrook, politician and press baron, entered their second decade of friendship. Whereas existing scholarship privileges the place of this Beaverbrook-Healy nexus in pre-independence high politics, this article uses correspondence preserved in the Beaverbrook papers to rectify neglect of the post-1922 era and reintegrate the relationship into Anglo-Irish and British media history. The article demonstrates how this enduring informal connection functioned as a vital forum for the exchange of material relating to British and Irish affairs and examines its influence on news content. Tracing the construction of individual stories and overall editorial lines, this case study also facilitates a broader re-evaluation of the process of content production and, by analysing feedback relayed in the letters, provides fresh insight into the place of the British press in the new Irish Free State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the emergence of Finnish computer culture in the late 1950s. The introduction of computers is studied by using a wide range of source material of popular media, such as commercial and company promotion films, newspapers, popular magazine articles, cartoons and comic strips. The paper argues that the introduction of the new computing technology was deeply experienced with the help of popular media, where the technological capabilities of computers as thinking and sensing 'all-purpose machines' were translated into several media-specific audio-visual forms. Computers were represented as sensing and sensible technology, a rubric that was remediated by the help of old media. In this process, the spectacularization of computers worked not only as an innocent fabulation of the computers to convince the 'general public' but to create a certain social arrangement particular to this spectacle. The idea that the end-user is cut off from the actual processes of the computer, as suggested by such media historians as Friedrich Kittler, was evident already in the earlier construction of computing culture in the mainframe era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the relevance of the media history of the press. Using a broad and open media concept, this perspective should be understood as the study of the construction and communication of the self-images and ideology of the press. Rather than describing the complex of problems as images that are 'spread' through one channel (newspapers) by one actor (the press), it should be seen as a mutual exchange between various media and various actors. Different audiences have been resources for the press, just as the press has been a resource for them. Instead of separating proper journalism, the spreading of the self-image, and the reception of different audiences as clearly defined areas, they must be seen as constituting each other. Focusing on the funeral of Swedish editor Lars Hierta, the paper argues for the methodological advantages inherent in the media event and the surrounding cultural circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the years immediately following the Second World War, a period in which imperial factors also continued to shape broader migration patterns and policy in Great Britain and the Dominions. It looks in particular at the experiences of public service radio broadcasting officers who traveled to Great Britain from the Dominions with the support of bursaries provided by the Imperial Relations Trust (IRT). This scheme ran for over a decade, and also funded bursars from India, Pakistan and Ceylon, and visits by British broadcasting officers to other Commonwealth countries. The experiences of all these bursars are of similar historical interest, but are not dealt with here, as they raise questions and involve historiographical debates that reach beyond the scope of a short paper. This paper focuses on the men and women from Canada, Australia and New Zealand who traveled to Britain in the early years of the scheme’s operation.

This paper explores the manner through which the International Hockey League (IHL) and its operations were portrayed in newspaper coverage in the larger urban centers of eastern Canada, where hockey had its developmental and organizational roots within the middle- and upper-middle-class community, and compares it to coverage that appeared in newspapers in the communities that hosted IHL teams, which were communities driven by industry and had large working-class populations. To do so, a comparison of newspaper coverage of the IHL in local IHL newspapers with reports published in newspapers in major Canadian cities strongly associated with the origins, development, and organizational control of ice hockey, is undertaken. The development of the sport of ice hockey in both Canada and the USA, and newspaper coverage generally, and hockey specifically, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is reviewed. Representative examples of the coverage of IHL games and operations over the course of its three-year operations are then provided. Having compared the coverage of games and operations of the IHL between IHL and Canadian-based newspapers, the paper concludes with a discussion of how business competition, competing ideologies toward high-level sport, and class-based perceptions regarding violence, aggression, and masculinity can affect the newspaper coverage of sporting events.

Edwin Howard Armstrong is commonly remembered as the inventor of frequency modulation (FM). There are those, however, who dispute this claim and assert that Armstrong's legacy is a work of fiction rather than history. This study examines the extensive public relations campaign on behalf of both FM and Armstrong from 1940 until after his death. This thesis is a case study of this campaign for the purpose of understanding the narrative presented to the American public. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Little is known about the relationship between the anticolonial movement in Cyprus and the role of the Greek Cypriot press. This paper aims to fill a small gap by presenting the findings of a study dealing with the Liberation Movement of Cyprus (EOKA—the National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) and how it was depicted through the Greek Cypriot press. The period under study is 1957-1960, during which the EOKA movement was active. This study investigates the positions of three leading Greek Cypriot newspapers of that period and aims to present the positions of each newspaper at the level of policy towards the liberation movement. Findings suggest that the Greek Cypriot press under the colonial regime presented the liberation and the ‘Enosis’ (unification) movement more in its news-articles-reports and less in opinion articles and commentaries, while journalists were reluctant to take sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Picture postcards became immensely popular in the first decade of the twentieth century, in Ireland as elsewhere, and billions of them passed through post offices worldwide. Their imagery was largely dictated by market forces, and they penetrated all sectors of society, communicating values and concepts even to those who were unwilling or unable to engage with other media such as books and periodicals. During this period the concept of Irish identity was very fluid, and several nationalist groups had emerged whose aim was to develop a distinct Irish culture worthy of the respect of both Irish and non-Irish people. Picture postcards became seen as a means towards achieving this aim, but also of seriously undermining it. This paper examines reports from Irish newspapers from 1900 to 1910 on the postcard phenomenon, and the social anxieties and fears they reveal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon archive material to explore the reasons for the absence of any drugs education films, or ‘mass-mediated drugs education’, during the immediate post-war period in Britain. The term ‘mass-mediated drugs education’ is used to refer to any drugs education messages communicated via the mass communication technologies of the twentieth century—the ‘high modern age’. While this might appear a rather narrowly defined interest in media history, the evidence offered in explanation provides some important insights into the assumptions made about mass media by British policy-makers and political elites during the ‘high modern age’ of mass communication. In contrast to Britain, during the same period in the United States, a plentiful supply of drugs education films was generated through the energies and interests of state agencies and moral entrepreneurs. Many of the US films of the ‘reefer madness’ era of the 1930s and the short ‘social guidance’ films of the fifties and sixties still remain in circulation, thanks to YouTube and other video file sharing sites where they are widely relished for their hysterical and wildly exaggerated treatment of the dangers of illicit drug use. However, in Britain there is an absence of any drugs education films or mass-mediated drugs education during the fifties and sixties, while the first government-sponsored mass-mediated drugs education was not produced until the mid-1980s, five decades after the first US films appeared. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Canada during the pre-television era, the perception of radio as an intimate medium profoundly affected the way people ordered their listening, production, performance and discussion of programming. With evidence drawn primarily from Canadian archival sources, this paper contends that radio's perceived intimacy deeply troubled those who considered themselves responsible for the physical and cultural welfare of listeners, and that Canada's early broadcasting experience provided a particularly good example of how worry could become action. Though thinking about intimacy had helped broadcasters before the mid-1930s to understand the function of radio in relation to other media, it also led the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) after its formation in 1936 to scrutinize and control commercial and unsponsored programming, advertising and public service messages alike. The CBC's self-assigned stewardship role - a reaction to plentiful and popular American programming and an emulation of the British Broadcasting Corporation and European services - pushed it toward protecting children and other listeners thought to be gullible or sensitive from programmes that abused the intimate relationship by stepping beyond established boundaries of taste or threatening the Corporation's 'civilizing' role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erin Mackie explores how Mr Spectator became one persona through which James Boswell represents himself in his London Journal (1762-63), providing an antitype of the 'rake' persona which Boswell derives in part from Macheath in The Beggar's Opera. In this antithesis most attention falls on Macheath, but Mackie notes that in Tatler 27 Richard Steele creates a sentimental portrait of the rake as 'the most agreeable of all Bad Characters'. Thus Boswell finds in the Tatler's rake an image of himself which stands in relation to the disapproving Mr Spectator. With this in mind, Mackie notes that the Spectator papers which describe the Mohock riots of March-April 1712 also characterize such displays as innocuous theatrical expressions of youthful ebullience. Boswell, then, finds acceptable dress for his criminal masculinity by casting himself into a 'mock-heroic impersonation' whilst using the narrative position provided by Mr Spectator to give himself 'spectatorial immunity'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the 1711 Scottish version of the English journal "The Tatler," and the works of its editor, Robert Hepburn. It was in the first decades of the eighteenth century that a news network can be seen meaningfully to emerge between Scotland and England. In Scotland, the manufacture of literary periodicals responded more quickly than the manufacture of newspapers to the need to accept 1707 as a watershed in the relationship between Scotland and England. A 1711 Scottish version of "The Tatler" will show how an exchange of values, values associated with serial publication, the publication of current affairs, and moral immediacy, was established.

The career of Kingsley Martin, long-time editor of the journal "New Statesman and Nation," offers a valuable window into leftist perspectives on democracy, citizenship and the press in the inter-war and post-war periods. Besides being one of the most prominent journalists of the 1930s-1950s, he deserves particular attention for articulating a wide-ranging critical and historical understanding of the press. This paper focuses on Martin's understanding of the press as a window into the prehistory of contemporary media studies. There is considerable irony that a journalist so frequently one-sided as Martin would demand truthful reporting. In the British context, Martin could plausibly defend his socialist politics as flowing from a commitment to "truth." More to the point, though, he was known for his imperious behavior, for instance, in refusing for seemingly partisan reasons to publish George Orwell's now legendary reports from the Spanish Civil War. Yet whatever his professional and personal limitations, his own journalistic writings display a rhetorical commitment to the same rationalistic model developed in his meta-journalistic writings.

Presents information regarding factors that influenced the supply and control of oversea news to New Zealand during the nineteenth century. Explains the powerful force of oversea news; How the news reinforced British colonial ideals.

This paper aims to highlight the medical and medial relationships that were established and negotiated through the mass X-ray surveys for tuberculosis in Sweden from the early 1940s to 1970. In particular it focuses on three interrelated aspects. Firstly, it shows how mass miniature radiography was developed through the pairing of old X-ray technology with new photographic technology. Secondly, it demonstrates how the survey campaigns enabled connections between medical and media institutions and professional groups. Thirdly, it discusses how the mass surveys helped to create and mediate relations between doctors and patients, experts and lay people, sick and healthy people, participants and objectors. In conclusion, it argues that these three aspects together are crucial if we wish to understand the mediatisation of the medical sphere as well as the medicalisation of everyday life during the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between General Franco's agony (October/November 1975) and the constitution's approval (December 1978), European media reported intensively about the democratisation process in Spain. The present paper deals with its examination through the Radio della Svizzera di lingua italiana broadcasts. As the only Swiss Italian-speaking broadcaster, it tried to provide in-depth information and opinion on a country whose solid ties with Switzerland were based on economy, migration and tourism. The study of this non-commercial radio allows us to determine the way the democratisation was approached and portrayed for a Swiss audience and offers a genuine case for transnational historical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the focus on the closure of theNews of the Worldin 2011 was in the context of the newspaper as a national publication in the UK. TheNews of the World, however, had a significant history in Ireland. This article focuses on one aspect of that history culminating in the banning of the newspaper in 1930 at a time when it was the best-selling title in the Irish market. The prohibition followed an almost two-decade campaign against ‘dirty’ publications led by the Catholic Church and its supporters so as to safeguard sexual morality in Ireland against ‘alien’ influences. Understanding the rationale for targeting theNews of the Worldand other popular British newspapers is central to fully considering the censorship campaign as well as the work of the government-appointed Committee on Evil Literature in 1927. Given the emboldened outlook of the Catholic Church following independence from the UK in 1922, the highly effective censorship campaign met little public or political resistance despite the popularity of theNews of the World. Along with offering a deeper understanding of this specific censorship campaign against the press, this article also explores the role of British newspapers beyond their core domestic market. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Until recent years, historians of twentieth-century Britain have made relatively little use of the popular press as a source. This is partly due to the practical problems of working with newspapers (pre-digitisation); there has also been, however, a widespread perception that popular journalism is predictable, trivial and politically and socially conservative, and therefore not worthy of sustained scholarly attention. These attitudes are starting to change, encouraged by the process of digitisation. Nevertheless, substantial gaps remain in our understanding of the impact of the press. This article is in two sections; the first examines how popular national newspapers have been used in political narratives, and the second explores their place in discussions of social and cultural change. The article argues that not only have entrenched stereotypes prevented historians from properly understanding the nature of popular newspapers, they have also led to them misinterpreting broader developments in British politics, society and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Examines the impact of press as a purveyor and mediator of civic constructs of progressiveness and improvement in Great Britain. Structural/functional change and legitimacy of press; Material existence of the commercialized press; Expressions of popular legitimacy.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics that addresses the changes in journalism in relation to technology, economy, professional repertoires, norms, and practices.

This article explores the interconnections between the media in France and the emergence of a Franco-British alliance on the eve of the Second World War, emphasizing how newspaper, radio and newsreel coverage helped mould British perceptions of France during the late 1930s. It will argue that British assessments of France, and thus France's potential value as a wartime ally, were influenced greatly by the dominant representations furnished by the media. In 1936, such representations portrayed a polarized France unworthy of British support; by 1939, they depicted a strong and united country of inestimable value to Britain. This transformation was not simply fortuitous; by the late 1930s, French politicians, conscious of the deleterious effect that media representations of a divided France was having on their country's prestige, endeavoured to transform the media from a symptom of decadence and malaise into a weapon of unity and strength. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thought as a case study illustrating the connections between comics (bandes dessinées) and radio, this article analyses the short-lived radio show 'Le Feu de camp du dimanche matin' (Sunday Morning Campfire). It aired for 13 episodes in 1969 on the waves of Europe n°1 and was presented by members of the comics magazine Pilote. This article is based on the two surviving episodes and a few issues of the magazine to offer an analysis that reveals the links between two mass media of popular culture. Rather unknown, this show is a fascinating, although not so successful, experiment of 'comics celebrities' to transpose their culture, references and sense of humour, onto a different medium. These connections highlight the permeability between two highly popular media in the late 1960s, and the ways in which the norms of each medium were played with and, at times, transgressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces articles about Australasian media history. Exploration of the provision of newspapers for New Zealanders; Nature of the Australian nation's communicative inheritance; Interplay between Australasian and Imperial interests.

In the 1990s a key shift occurred in Australian gay publishing with the rapid expansion of free city-based newspapers. These increasingly commercialized free newspapers adopted a business model based on seeking more readers in order to attract more advertisers. Their success was such that the overall national print run of gay and lesbian publications increased six-fold between the start and the end of the decade, 90% of which were free newspapers. This expansion coincided with the growth of a visibly more diverse gay and lesbian community. Newspaper publishers adopted building and defending this community as their primary political project that allowed a range of synergies to develop between the newspapers and the growing number of community groups, events and businesses. Each helped the other grow which led to greater knowledge of the community's activities and its political aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issues of the journals in the newspapers and tabloids, and their historical forms. The selection of language plays an essential part in the creation of an imaginable national community within the pages of the daily reading materials. To give a broader context to the language of the national community as constructed, they also integrate the popular version of history into the language to ensure that the national community's representation will not be the one to be suspended in a constant present, but one which comes with all the collections of the historic past.

This article focuses on a chaotic period during the late 1640s in the wake of the English Civil War, when the Stationers' Co. was riven by serious internal disagreements over religious, political, and commercial matters. During these years authors from a range of religious and political backgrounds were relatively free to produce a large range of libelous, seditious, or scandalous items. The state responded angrily to the appearance of this material and finally managed to tame the press in the month after the passage of the draconian Printing Act of September 1649.

This article examines the state of news, intelligence, and espionage at the exiled court in Cologne, Germany in reference to the case of Henry Manning, an informant for Oliver Cromwell's Protectorate government at Charles II's court in exile. Henry Manning was well aware of the power of news and often drew attention to the shifts in attitude and re-evaluations of strategy which followed in its wake. He emphasized the role of news and intelligence in determining the scope of political action. News influenced decision-making and helped to shape morale, and Manning viewed participation in news culture as a means of achieving status and reputation.

Presents an introductory statement to the April 2005 issue of "Media History."

This essay investigates how before, during, and after the First World War, diplomats were depicted in newspapers, and how they perceived and reacted to these representations. Focusing on the case of Belgium, it looks, on the one hand, at the occurrence and/or co-existence of certain frames used by journalists to stereotype diplomats, and evaluates how changes in Belgian foreign policy and European politics altered framing strategies throughout this period. On the other hand, it sheds light on how diplomats coped with the penetration of the mass media into their professional space, which forced them to reckon with changing media logics in this age of accelerating democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the role of the elites in the formation of a television company in Wales. Reason that prompted the elites to establish a television station; Concerns related to the nature of the license area provided to the station; Publication of a material that highlights the debate over the relationship between television and the Welsh language and culture in Wales as a result of the establishment of the station.

The article focuses on Chinese journalism. Chinese journalism has not been able to represent competing opinions on some political question. It also lacks competence to investigate abuses and discuss social issues. So today's media appear different, when compared with the media of before. The foreign observer might be forgiven for imagining that experiences of those times are as remote from the world of today's young journalists as times medieval. Yet, most of the journalists interviewed for a study of their work practices, regardless of generation or gender, have been casting back to the past in their search for examples to emulate and explanations for the failures of journalism since the Communist Party' s takeover in 1949.

Points out that Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa was a canny propagandist who promoted images of himself in the United States with considerable force and suasion by manipulating the popular press. Creation of charisma through such media coverage; Seductive image of Villa in the popular press; Ability to speak more directly to an American reading audience.

This article examines how different German newspaper reported on the Japanese colonization of Korea, as well as their diverse perspective on the colonization. In opposition to the stereotypical notion that the Western media abounded with reports on orientalism and colonialism, this article argues that German journalists and newspapers were sufficiently diverse to provide divergent perspectives on the Japanese colonization of Korea. Furthermore, a careful analysis of the German newspaper reports reveals the existence of the strong editorial frame, which seems to predetermine the direction of these news reports. The newspapers that clearly supported the Japanese could be identified and they did ignore the situation of the Korean peoples on which the other newspapers did not fail to report. This diversity doesn't allow simple and easy explanation, but can be used as a strong evidence to refute the omnipresence of the colonial discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article chooses a comparative approach in order to analyze the role played by mass media during the attempted coup d'état in Spain starting on 23 February 1981 and the opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Both episodes demonstrate the media's capacity to articulate political change through their contextualization of particular events. The text focuses on the capacity of the media to frame political episodes, to generate interpretations and thus provide the basis for specific reactions in different audience groups or political instances. For a short period of time (limited to just some hours), the radio and the press in Spain as well as television in East Germany assumed a 'para-political' role and set certain events in motion that led to the end of the coup and the fall of the Wall respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides information on the use of abbreviations and dates in the April 2005 issue of "Media History." In early modern Britain and Ireland, the old style Julian Calendar, was still in use. It lagged 10 days behind the new style Gregorian Calendar, which was used across most of Europe. The local date is used throughout this issue, and the calendar is specified in cases where ambiguity may arise.

Given the iconic status assigned to Gallipoli, virtually from the outset, it was inevitable that in its centenary year, commemoration would receive enormous political and media attention. My intention is not to produce a comprehensive summary of all international media output on Gallipoli, even if that were possible within the confines of a journal article. Language barriers and problems of access have further impacted on the selection process, as well as in the coverage of even countries that have been examined (I do not speak French, German or Turkish; I also did not have access to non-English publications in India.). Nor is the article meant to be a synthesis of historiographical debate on Gallipoli, a subject which military and other experts have successfully addressed in the past as well as during the centenary (Please see reference section below for a selection of relevant books.). Rather, my more modest aim is to highlight seminal themes and offer an assessment of response, both in and by the media, especially the print media, in some of the main belligerent countries situated today in differing geo-political contexts, viz. Great Britain, Australia, India (then part of the British empire) and Turkey (then part of the Ottoman empire). Arguably, at one level, there was little in the transnational response during 2015 which attempted to shift the foundational basis for a reading of Gallipoli that has been established in the media during the intervening decades. Yet, there were some notable shifts in transnational perspectives. Perhaps after the lapse of a century, it may be possible to achieve/restore some kind of balance to our appraisal of Gallipoli in the public mind. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By examining the National Society Sweden–Germany (Riksföreningen Sverige–Tyskland) 1938–1958, this article highlights a key aspect of far right-wing opinion building, namely its media criticism and objectivity ideal. Far right-wing opinion building is too often depicted as easily comprehensible and appealing to strong emotions. If its objectivity-oriented and neutrality-footed media criticism with scholarly and non-political overtones is taken into consideration a more nuanced understanding can be reached. The article relates this criticism to the Swedish Government’s information policy, to notions of the historic role of the press as a propaganda channel, to ideals in contemporary journalism, and to a tradition of conservative media criticism. By uncovering the rationality that supported them, the purpose is ultimately to understand the attraction these standpoints could exercise. Since these ways to argue hardly died with the war a deeper historical understanding appears the more imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares the content and quality of mid-eighteenth-century news accounts about the 1748 conclusion of peace in Aix-la-Chapelle that were published in Dutch newspapers and news digests. It also assesses the position of news digests between newspapers that included topical information and historiography. This case demonstrates that while newspapers can be considered as a first step in the writing of history, news digests offered a further step. Newspapers provided factual information ordered according to chronological principles, yet due to incorrect sources and uncertainties also included mistakes and rumors. By making better news summaries and providing commentary, news digest editors could avoid such failures and had more time and opportunity to put facts into perspective. They could also reflect on the news via artistic interpretations, such as allegorical engravings. The case shows the different ways news was managed in the Dutch Republic’s mid-eighteenth-century news media. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

News-songs differ in crucial ways to the other news media of the early modern period. As a result, historians need to ask different questions of these multi-media artefacts. How did the presentation of this performative genre affect the dissemination and reception of information about events? What part do orality and aurality play in how the news was sold and received? What kind of information can ballads provide about specific news events that other documents cannot or will not provide? This article seeks to answer these questions, and suggest some of the skills historians need to develop in order to appreciate the full meaning of songs as the most popular of news media in early modern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a contribution to the historiography of female criminality, this article charts the discursive contours of media representations of female habitual criminals. The discussion is based on analysis of the ways in which the late Victorian and Edwardian newspaper press in New Zealand reported cases of female criminals through the gendered and classed trope of ‘the adventuress’. The specific focus is on how concepts of class were implicated in the ways in which competing representations of female fraudsters, swindlers and thieves were portrayed in syndicated international articles and local news media. It is argued that representations of adventuresses sensationalised as headline-making anomalies in the news media need to be understood within the context of changing constructions of the thief. Newspaper reporting of their ‘exploits’ operated as implicit cautionary moral tales that reinforced normative constructions of feminine respectability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In January 1916 a party of journalists from seven Irish newspapers visited Irish regiments serving on the western front. Such a privilege came at a price. Organised by the Department of Recruiting for Ireland, it was made clear to the journalists that this embedded tour had an agenda: they were ‘to set down what they saw there for the benefit of recruiting in Ireland’. This article examines the extent to which the three national titles included on the tour accepted this role of communicating and legitimising recruitment policy. It sheds light on the involvement of two national newspaper editors in shaping recruitment policy in Ireland, illustrates how each of the three national titles reported the tour, and examines the effects such reportage had on recruiting in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Nineteenth-century telegraphy had a vital integrative role in the intersecting and mutually constituted developments of American industrialization, urbanization, and mediatization. Previous work by Tarr, Finholt, and Goodman1 focused on the internal activities of business, fire, and police institutions in American cities. Here, I move beyond their approach in relating telegraphy to broader infrastructural developments of national-level urban industry and modern mass media in the late nineteenth century and the rise of dominant, networked urban commercial, industrial, financial, and media centers. By radically accelerating the mobility of information and capital, telegraphy significantly reduced barriers of distance to industry, commerce, news and advertising, and state and military interventions. Owing to its commercial ownership in the USA, telegraphy privileged business over public use in comparison to Western Europe. Its enduring effects were its integrative functions in the development of a large-scale, urban-centered, largely private system of mass production, mass media, mass culture, and mass consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]